Hamas Expresses Flexibility on IDF Role at Gaza-Egypt Border Amid Growing Tensions

Hamas May Adjust Core Demands Amid Ceasefire Talks, New York Times Reports

As long-stalled ceasefire negotiations intensify, the New York Times reports that Hamas may be reconsidering some of its core demands, signaling a shift in the group’s stance following the death of its leader Yehya Sinwar and the fragile truce in Lebanon. According to the Times, the death of Sinwar, once seen as the group’s most hardline figure, coupled with the uncertain political and military situation, has led to a recalibration within Hamas’s leadership.

The report suggests that the reality of ongoing conflict and its devastating impact on Gaza’s population may have begun to settle in with the group’s decision-makers. With Sinwar’s death, a figure who symbolized resistance and militant strategy, there is speculation that a more pragmatic approach is emerging within Hamas, especially as the group grapples with internal and external pressures.

Furthermore, the temporary truce in Lebanon, though fragile, may have also contributed to Hamas’s reassessment of its negotiating position. With the Lebanese front quiet for now, the group may be seeking to capitalize on this moment to broker a more favorable deal, potentially sacrificing some of its initial demands in exchange for humanitarian relief and a path toward a more stable ceasefire.

While it is unclear which specific demands Hamas might soften, sources close to the negotiations suggest that the group could be willing to reconsider its insistence on certain territorial and political gains in exchange for an end to hostilities and the easing of the blockade on Gaza.

As ceasefire talks gain momentum, the international community is closely monitoring the shifting dynamics within Hamas and the potential for a breakthrough that could halt the devastating violence that has ravaged the region for years.

Hamas, the Palestinian militant group, has increasingly shown flexibility in ongoing ceasefire negotiations, which have long been stalled. According to a report by The New York Times, citing unnamed US officials, the group may be willing to soften some of its core demands and potentially agree to a ceasefire deal that Israel could accept. This shift in position suggests that Hamas might even allow the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) to temporarily remain at Gaza’s border with Egypt as part of a broader agreement.

The report also notes that, even before the ceasefire reached between Hezbollah and Israel earlier this week, both Palestinian and US officials had observed signs that Hamas was moving away from the hardline strategy promoted by its slain leader, Yahya Sinwar. Sources indicate that the group may now be open to a deal that would end hostilities, marking a significant shift from the more aggressive approach it previously advocated.

Shortly before his death, Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar expressed his belief that a prolonged conflict with Israel would ultimately benefit the group. “The longer it lasts, the closer we get to liberation,” Sinwar told Hamas’s leadership, according to senior official Osama Hamdan.

However, recent reports indicate a shift in Hamas’s position. Citing sources familiar with the group’s internal discussions, The New York Times revealed that Hamas leaders have been considering allowing Israel to temporarily maintain a presence in the Philadelphi Corridor, a strategically important border area between Egypt and Gaza. This area is significant due to its control over the flow of goods and people between the Gaza Strip and Egypt. Israel’s leadership has previously vowed not to withdraw from this area, but the emerging flexibility from Hamas could pave the way for a temporary compromise as part of ongoing ceasefire negotiations.

Jerusalem has maintained that Israeli troops must remain in Gaza, particularly in the strategic Philadelphi Corridor, to prevent the smuggling of weapons from Egypt into the enclave. Israeli officials emphasize that their military presence is essential to curb Hamas’s access to arms and resources. Furthermore, Israel has made it clear that it is only willing to agree to a temporary halt in its military campaign, with the ultimate goal of dismantling Hamas. This stance reflects Israel’s ongoing commitment to neutralizing the group, despite the growing momentum for ceasefire talks.

Hamas is a Palestinian militant group that is designated as a terrorist organization by Israel, the United States, the European Union, Canada, and several other countries. The group has carried out numerous attacks against Israeli civilians and military targets and has controlled the Gaza Strip since 2007. Its charter calls for the establishment of an Islamic state in all of historic Palestine and the elimination of Israel.

In recent developments, The New York Times reported that Hamas is showing increased flexibility in the long-stalled talks for a ceasefire and hostage deal in Gaza. This shift comes as the group may be willing to accept the temporary presence of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) at the Gaza-Egypt border, an area crucial for controlling the flow of arms into Gaza. Citing unnamed US officials, the report suggests that Hamas might be ready to give up some of its core demands in exchange for a ceasefire agreement that Israel could support.

The shift in Hamas’s stance appears to be a response to the changing dynamics in the region. Even before the ceasefire between Hezbollah and Israel earlier this week, both Palestinian and US officials had expressed belief that Hamas was moving away from the aggressive strategy endorsed by its slain leader, Yahya Sinwar. Sinwar had long championed the idea of a prolonged conflict, arguing that the longer the war lasted, the closer Hamas would come to its goal of “liberation.” However, following Sinwar’s death in October, Hamas seems to be reassessing its position.

The New York Times report indicates that “reality started to sink in” for Hamas after Sinwar’s death, as it became clear that Iran was not interested in directly engaging Israel, and Hezbollah was facing significant setbacks at the hands of the IDF. Hamas had hoped that its allies in the Iranian axis would force Israel into a ceasefire on Hamas’s terms, but with these expectations unmet, the group appears to be open to compromise.

At the same time, Israel has made it clear that its military presence in Gaza, particularly in the Philadelphi Corridor, is necessary to prevent arms smuggling from Egypt into Gaza. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, in a recent interview, emphasized that Israel would only agree to a temporary pause in the fighting if it could facilitate the release of hostages, but he ruled out a full cessation of military operations aimed at dismantling Hamas.

This shifting calculus on both sides reflects the complexities of the ongoing conflict and the possibility that, despite the longstanding hostility, some form of negotiated ceasefire could emerge in the coming weeks.

Hamas is a designated terrorist organization by Israel, the United States, the European Union, Canada, and several other countries due to its involvement in attacks against civilians, its refusal to recognize Israel’s right to exist, and its use of violence as a central strategy to pursue its goals.

Hamas is designated as a terrorist organization by Israel, the United States, the European Union, Canada, and several other countries. This designation is based on its violent tactics, refusal to recognize Israel’s right to exist, and its involvement in numerous attacks targeting civilians.

Hamas is displaying significant flexibility in the ongoing, long-stalled ceasefire and hostage negotiations, according to recent reports. The group, which has held control over the Gaza Strip since 2007, may be willing to accept a ceasefire agreement that Israel could back, including a temporary Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) presence along the Gaza-Egypt border. This shift in stance was highlighted in a report from The New York Times, citing unnamed US officials who suggested that Hamas could give up on some of its core demands to reach a deal.

The group’s strategy has been evolving, particularly in the wake of the death of its leader Yahya Sinwar in October 2024. Sinwar had long advocated for a prolonged war, believing that the longer the conflict continued, the closer Hamas would come to achieving its goals of “liberation.” However, following his death, it seems that the leadership within Hamas has begun to reassess its position. According to The New York Times, “reality started to sink in” for Hamas, especially as it became clear that Iran was not inclined to open a direct front against Israel, and Hezbollah was suffering significant losses at the hands of the IDF.

Despite this shift, Hamas remains divided internally. Leaders of the group are reportedly split over what role it should play post-war and the kinds of compromises it should make to secure a ceasefire. A key issue in this division is the lack of a successor to Sinwar, which has hampered decision-making. Hamas member Salah al-Din al-Awawdeh explained that while military losses are easier to address—since commanders and soldiers can be replaced—the political situation is more complicated. The group will eventually need to hold elections to determine new leadership, which complicates efforts to predict its future actions.

Meanwhile, Israel has firmly insisted that its troops remain in Gaza, particularly in the strategic Philadelphi Corridor, to prevent the smuggling of arms from Egypt. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has also stated that Israel would only agree to a temporary pause in fighting if it could facilitate the release of hostages, but he has made it clear that the broader war aims, including the destruction of Hamas, will continue.

On the diplomatic front, the United States is reportedly waiting for the inauguration of President-elect Donald Trump in January 2025 before taking a more active role in shaping the terms of a deal. There are indications that the new administration might push for a shift in Israeli policy regarding the Gaza-Egypt border and the establishment of a buffer zone between Israel and the Gaza Strip.

Additionally, Egyptian officials have been working behind the scenes, with a security delegation reportedly in Israel to present a “comprehensive vision” for a ceasefire deal. They have also been in contact with Trump’s staff, seeking to determine whether the incoming US administration could influence Israel to soften its stance on some key issues in the negotiations.

This evolving situation reflects a complex balancing act between military objectives, political realities within Hamas, and the involvement of international powers trying to broker a ceasefire that could bring an end to the ongoing violence in Gaza.

Egyptian officials have also seemingly sought to soften Hamas’s stance, the paper reported, conveying to the group that its negotiating position had weakened since being “isolated” by the ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon. The officials told the group it would unlikely be able to continue insisting on a full Israeli withdrawal, according to the report.

Since Qatar withdrew from the mediation and kicked Hamas leaders out of Doha earlier this month, Egypt has emerged as a potential key conduit between the warring parties, alongside Turkey, where most of Hamas’s senior leadership have relocated.

The Kan public broadcaster reported Thursday that a Hamas delegation was set to head to Cairo in the near future to discuss a potential deal.

According to a report late Wednesday, US President Joe Biden pressed Netanyahu in a call this week to immediately shift attention back to Gaza with the end of fighting in Lebanon. Meanwhile, Trump’s incoming administration was also reportedly being approached about pushing Israel toward a deal.

Hamas indicated on Wednesday that it was ready for a truce in Gaza after a ceasefire came into effect in Lebanon with the Iran-backed Hezbollah, which had attacked Israel in support of its ally Hamas starting October 8, 2023, prompting reprisals and later an intensified IDF military campaign that destroyed much of the group.

Officials had expressed hopes that taking the key Hamas ally off the battlefield could help push the Gazan terror group toward an agreement ending the war and freeing hostages in exchange for Palestinian security prisoners.

As negotiations for a ceasefire in Gaza gain momentum, Egyptian officials have been working to influence Hamas’s stance, according to recent reports. In an effort to push the group toward compromise, Egypt has conveyed to Hamas that its negotiating position has weakened since being “isolated” by the ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon. Egyptian officials told Hamas that insisting on a full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza would likely be untenable and could hinder the prospects of a deal. This development signals a shift in the diplomatic landscape as Egypt, alongside Turkey, has emerged as a key intermediary between Hamas and Israel, especially after Qatar withdrew from the mediation process and expelled Hamas leaders from Doha earlier this month.

The situation has prompted a Hamas delegation to prepare for talks in Cairo, where officials hope to negotiate terms for a potential ceasefire agreement. Reports from Kan Public Broadcasting indicated that the delegation is expected to head to Egypt in the near future to discuss possible terms for a deal that could end the conflict and address the ongoing hostage crisis in Gaza.

In addition to Egyptian and Turkish efforts, international pressure is mounting. US President Joe Biden reportedly urged Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in a recent call to shift focus back to Gaza following the cessation of fighting in Lebanon. The White House is pushing for renewed efforts toward a ceasefire, as officials believe that the weakening of Hezbollah, a key Hamas ally, could create an opportunity for Hamas to reconsider its position and accept a deal.

At the same time, the incoming Trump administration has also been approached, with some sources suggesting that Israel may be looking for support from the new US administration to help facilitate a ceasefire. This international involvement underscores the complex and high-stakes nature of the ongoing negotiations, which aim to bring an end to the conflict, free hostages, and address broader security concerns in the region.

Hamas indicated on Wednesday that it was prepared for a truce in Gaza, following the ceasefire agreement between Hezbollah and Israel. This shift in tone came after the IDF’s successful campaign against Hezbollah, which had escalated tensions in the region after supporting Hamas’s attacks on Israel in October 2023. With Hezbollah temporarily sidelined, there are hopes that this could provide a window for negotiations to secure a ceasefire, leading to the release of hostages in exchange for Palestinian security prisoners, a key demand in the discussions.

As the situation continues to evolve, it remains unclear whether Hamas will fully abandon its long-standing demands or agree to a more temporary resolution. However, the increasing diplomatic pressure and the shifting dynamics within the group suggest that a breakthrough could be on the horizon, particularly as Hamas faces growing challenges both militarily and politically.

Hamas is a designated terrorist organization by Israel, the United States, the European Union, Canada, and several other countries. It is responsible for a range of violent actions, including suicide bombings, rocket attacks, and other assaults targeting civilians, and its ideology advocates for the establishment of an Islamic state in all of historic Palestine. Hamas’s actions and its refusal to recognize Israel’s right to exist have led to its classification as a terrorist group.

Hamas is a designated terrorist organization by Israel, the United States, the European Union, Canada, and several other countries. This designation stems from its history of carrying out violent attacks, including suicide bombings and rocket strikes, targeting civilians. Hamas’s actions, as well as its charter calling for the destruction of Israel and the establishment of an Islamic state in all of historic Palestine, have led to its classification as a terrorist group.

The ongoing hostage crisis stemming from Hamas’s brutal attacks on October 7, 2023, has drawn significant international attention. As of recent reports, it is believed that 97 hostages remain in Gaza, including the bodies of at least 34 individuals confirmed dead by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). The hostages were abducted during Hamas’s rampage, which killed approximately 1,200 people in southern Israel, leading to the escalation of conflict. Among the hostages are civilians, soldiers, and foreign nationals, many of whom were captured or killed during the October 7 attacks.

During a weeklong truce in late November, Hamas released 105 hostages, and four more were freed prior to that. Eight hostages have been rescued alive by Israeli troops, while the bodies of 37 hostages have been recovered. Tragically, three of those deaths occurred as a result of Israeli military actions when the hostages attempted to escape from their captors.

In addition to the hostages taken during the October 7 assault, Hamas is also holding two Israeli civilians who entered the Gaza Strip in 2014 and 2015. Moreover, Hamas holds the remains of two IDF soldiers who were killed during the 2014 Gaza conflict.

On the humanitarian front, Israel has been working to dispel accusations that it is blocking aid from reaching Gaza. On Thursday, the IDF facilitated a media tour showcasing the aid entering Gaza through a key crossing. This effort aimed to address concerns that Israel is preventing crucial supplies from reaching those in need within the Gaza Strip, while simultaneously emphasizing its ongoing security concerns related to Hamas’s use of the territory.

The hostage situation remains one of the central points of tension in the broader conflict, with both sides holding firm to their respective positions. While Hamas has demanded the release of Palestinian prisoners in exchange for hostages, Israel’s focus is on securing the safe return of the captives, while continuing its military operations against Hamas. The international community remains hopeful that a negotiated ceasefire and prisoner exchange agreement may offer a path toward resolving the immediate crisis.

The World Health Organization (WHO) has issued a stark warning about the dire shortages of medicine, food, shelter, and fuel in Gaza, particularly in the northern areas. The situation has been described as “catastrophic,” with increasing demands for Israel to allow more aid into the territory and to facilitate humanitarian operations. The international community has frequently criticized Israel, claiming that aid shipments are lower than at any point since the war began in October 2023, following Hamas’s attack on southern Israel.

In contrast, Israel has defended its actions, blaming relief organizations for their inability to manage and distribute large quantities of aid effectively. During the first media tour of the Gazan side of the Kerem Shalom border crossing, which is the largest entry point for humanitarian aid, journalists witnessed trucks carrying assistance from Egypt, Jordan, the West Bank, and Israel.

Aid is being organized by international organizations such as UNICEF, Rahma Worldwide, and the World Food Kitchen. Local truck drivers are employed for the distribution. Colonel Abdullah Halabi, who oversees the Gaza division for COGAT (the Israeli military unit responsible for coordinating humanitarian efforts), reported that over 800 truckloads of food are currently waiting for distribution. He also noted that shipments often sit for months at the Gaza side of Kerem Shalom, and he rejected claims that Israel was blocking trucks or restricting the amount of aid entering Gaza.

These tensions highlight the complex and challenging humanitarian situation in Gaza amidst ongoing military operations and political negotiations.

The humanitarian situation in Gaza remains dire, with aid agencies continuing to call for increased access to the region. The World Health Organization (WHO) and other international groups are especially concerned about the severe shortages of essential supplies, including food, medicine, fuel, and shelter materials. WHO has described the situation in Gaza, particularly in the northern regions, as “catastrophic,” highlighting the increasing difficulties civilians face as the war continues. The organization is urging Israel to allow more humanitarian assistance into Gaza and facilitate the operations of aid organizations.

Despite these calls, Israel maintains that there are no restrictions on the quantity of aid entering Gaza, but it blames the inability of relief organizations to manage and distribute the supplies effectively. Israel has repeatedly stated that it has facilitated the movement of aid through the Kerem Shalom crossing, the largest humanitarian gateway into Gaza. During a recent media visit organized by the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF), foreign journalists were shown trucks carrying humanitarian aid, which had arrived from Egypt, Jordan, the West Bank, and Israel.

Colonel Abdullah Halabi of COGAT, which is responsible for overseeing the coordination of humanitarian aid, emphasized that there are over 800 truckloads of food aid waiting for international groups to distribute inside Gaza. However, he explained that some aid shipments have been delayed for months at the Kerem Shalom crossing, largely due to logistical challenges and the need for coordination between various aid organizations. Halabi rejected accusations that Israel was preventing the trucks from entering Gaza, asserting that Israel had no intention of impeding the delivery of humanitarian supplies.

While Israel and international organizations disagree over the aid distribution, the focus on the humanitarian crisis in Gaza has grown. Aid organizations such as UNICEF, Rahma Worldwide, and the World Food Kitchen continue to provide critical supplies, but the situation remains grim, particularly as shortages deepen and essential services, such as healthcare and power, remain scarce in the region.

In addition to humanitarian concerns, Israel’s military operations in Gaza continue to raise questions about the future of the territory, with discussions ongoing regarding a potential ceasefire or temporary halt to the fighting. The prospect of such a pause has been complicated by the political leadership within Hamas, as the group faces internal divisions and external pressure to negotiate. In the midst of these discussions, the role of international actors like Egypt, Turkey, and the United States continues to be critical in mediating talks and attempting to secure a resolution to the ongoing conflict.

As the situation develops, both humanitarian needs and political negotiations will remain central to efforts aimed at addressing the crisis in Gaza and finding a way to end the ongoing violence.

Courtesy: Times Of India

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  1287. ^ The ending of the Hebrew form is either a dual or an ending identical to the dual in form (perhaps a locative), and this has sometimes been taken as referring to the two kingdoms of Upper and Lower Egypt. However, the application of the (possibly) “dual” ending to some toponyms and other words, a development peculiar to Hebrew, does not in fact imply any “two-ness” about the place. The ending is found, for example, in the Hebrew words for such single entities as “water” (“מַיִם”), “noon” (“צָהֳרַיִם”), “sky/heaven” (“שָׁמַיִם”), and in the qere – but not the original “ketiv” – of “Jerusalem” (“ירושל[י]ם”). It should also be noted that the dual ending – which may or may not be what the -áyim in “Mitzráyim” actually represents – was available to other Semitic languages, such as Arabic, but was not applied to Egypt. See inter alia Aaron Demsky (“Hebrew Names in the Dual Form and the Toponym Yerushalayim” in Demsky (ed.) These Are the Names: Studies in Jewish Onomastics, Vol. 3 (Ramat Gan, 2002), pp. 11–20), Avi Hurvitz (A Concise Lexicon of Late Biblical Hebrew: Linguistic Innovations in the Writings of the Second Temple Period (Brill, 2014), p. 128) and Nadav Na’aman (“Shaaraim – The Gateway to the Kingdom of Judah” in The Journal of Hebrew Scriptures, Vol. 8 (2008), article no. 24 Archived 17 October 2014 at the Wayback Machine, pp. 2–3).
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  2232. ^ The ending of the Hebrew form is either a dual or an ending identical to the dual in form (perhaps a locative), and this has sometimes been taken as referring to the two kingdoms of Upper and Lower Egypt. However, the application of the (possibly) “dual” ending to some toponyms and other words, a development peculiar to Hebrew, does not in fact imply any “two-ness” about the place. The ending is found, for example, in the Hebrew words for such single entities as “water” (“מַיִם”), “noon” (“צָהֳרַיִם”), “sky/heaven” (“שָׁמַיִם”), and in the qere – but not the original “ketiv” – of “Jerusalem” (“ירושל[י]ם”). It should also be noted that the dual ending – which may or may not be what the -áyim in “Mitzráyim” actually represents – was available to other Semitic languages, such as Arabic, but was not applied to Egypt. See inter alia Aaron Demsky (“Hebrew Names in the Dual Form and the Toponym Yerushalayim” in Demsky (ed.) These Are the Names: Studies in Jewish Onomastics, Vol. 3 (Ramat Gan, 2002), pp. 11–20), Avi Hurvitz (A Concise Lexicon of Late Biblical Hebrew: Linguistic Innovations in the Writings of the Second Temple Period (Brill, 2014), p. 128) and Nadav Na’aman (“Shaaraim – The Gateway to the Kingdom of Judah” in The Journal of Hebrew Scriptures, Vol. 8 (2008), article no. 24 Archived 17 October 2014 at the Wayback Machine, pp. 2–3).
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  2547. ^ The ending of the Hebrew form is either a dual or an ending identical to the dual in form (perhaps a locative), and this has sometimes been taken as referring to the two kingdoms of Upper and Lower Egypt. However, the application of the (possibly) “dual” ending to some toponyms and other words, a development peculiar to Hebrew, does not in fact imply any “two-ness” about the place. The ending is found, for example, in the Hebrew words for such single entities as “water” (“מַיִם”), “noon” (“צָהֳרַיִם”), “sky/heaven” (“שָׁמַיִם”), and in the qere – but not the original “ketiv” – of “Jerusalem” (“ירושל[י]ם”). It should also be noted that the dual ending – which may or may not be what the -áyim in “Mitzráyim” actually represents – was available to other Semitic languages, such as Arabic, but was not applied to Egypt. See inter alia Aaron Demsky (“Hebrew Names in the Dual Form and the Toponym Yerushalayim” in Demsky (ed.) These Are the Names: Studies in Jewish Onomastics, Vol. 3 (Ramat Gan, 2002), pp. 11–20), Avi Hurvitz (A Concise Lexicon of Late Biblical Hebrew: Linguistic Innovations in the Writings of the Second Temple Period (Brill, 2014), p. 128) and Nadav Na’aman (“Shaaraim – The Gateway to the Kingdom of Judah” in The Journal of Hebrew Scriptures, Vol. 8 (2008), article no. 24 Archived 17 October 2014 at the Wayback Machine, pp. 2–3).
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  2594. Jump up to:a b Egypt on the Brink by Tarek Osman, Yale University Press, 2010, p. 120
  2595. ^ Jesse Ferris (2013). Nasser’s Gamble: How Intervention in Yemen Caused the Six-Day War and the Decline of Egyptian Power. Princeton University Press. p. 2. ISBN 978-0-691-15514-2Archived from the original on 6 September 2015. Retrieved 20 June 2015.
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  2862. ^ The ending of the Hebrew form is either a dual or an ending identical to the dual in form (perhaps a locative), and this has sometimes been taken as referring to the two kingdoms of Upper and Lower Egypt. However, the application of the (possibly) “dual” ending to some toponyms and other words, a development peculiar to Hebrew, does not in fact imply any “two-ness” about the place. The ending is found, for example, in the Hebrew words for such single entities as “water” (“מַיִם”), “noon” (“צָהֳרַיִם”), “sky/heaven” (“שָׁמַיִם”), and in the qere – but not the original “ketiv” – of “Jerusalem” (“ירושל[י]ם”). It should also be noted that the dual ending – which may or may not be what the -áyim in “Mitzráyim” actually represents – was available to other Semitic languages, such as Arabic, but was not applied to Egypt. See inter alia Aaron Demsky (“Hebrew Names in the Dual Form and the Toponym Yerushalayim” in Demsky (ed.) These Are the Names: Studies in Jewish Onomastics, Vol. 3 (Ramat Gan, 2002), pp. 11–20), Avi Hurvitz (A Concise Lexicon of Late Biblical Hebrew: Linguistic Innovations in the Writings of the Second Temple Period (Brill, 2014), p. 128) and Nadav Na’aman (“Shaaraim – The Gateway to the Kingdom of Judah” in The Journal of Hebrew Scriptures, Vol. 8 (2008), article no. 24 Archived 17 October 2014 at the Wayback Machine, pp. 2–3).
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  2889. Jump up to:a b Baten, Jörg (2016). A History of the Global Economy. From 1500 to the Present. Cambridge University Press. p. 217. ISBN 978-1-107-50718-0.
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  3492. ^ The ending of the Hebrew form is either a dual or an ending identical to the dual in form (perhaps a locative), and this has sometimes been taken as referring to the two kingdoms of Upper and Lower Egypt. However, the application of the (possibly) “dual” ending to some toponyms and other words, a development peculiar to Hebrew, does not in fact imply any “two-ness” about the place. The ending is found, for example, in the Hebrew words for such single entities as “water” (“מַיִם”), “noon” (“צָהֳרַיִם”), “sky/heaven” (“שָׁמַיִם”), and in the qere – but not the original “ketiv” – of “Jerusalem” (“ירושל[י]ם”). It should also be noted that the dual ending – which may or may not be what the -áyim in “Mitzráyim” actually represents – was available to other Semitic languages, such as Arabic, but was not applied to Egypt. See inter alia Aaron Demsky (“Hebrew Names in the Dual Form and the Toponym Yerushalayim” in Demsky (ed.) These Are the Names: Studies in Jewish Onomastics, Vol. 3 (Ramat Gan, 2002), pp. 11–20), Avi Hurvitz (A Concise Lexicon of Late Biblical Hebrew: Linguistic Innovations in the Writings of the Second Temple Period (Brill, 2014), p. 128) and Nadav Na’aman (“Shaaraim – The Gateway to the Kingdom of Judah” in The Journal of Hebrew Scriptures, Vol. 8 (2008), article no. 24 Archived 17 October 2014 at the Wayback Machine, pp. 2–3).
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  3807. ^ The ending of the Hebrew form is either a dual or an ending identical to the dual in form (perhaps a locative), and this has sometimes been taken as referring to the two kingdoms of Upper and Lower Egypt. However, the application of the (possibly) “dual” ending to some toponyms and other words, a development peculiar to Hebrew, does not in fact imply any “two-ness” about the place. The ending is found, for example, in the Hebrew words for such single entities as “water” (“מַיִם”), “noon” (“צָהֳרַיִם”), “sky/heaven” (“שָׁמַיִם”), and in the qere – but not the original “ketiv” – of “Jerusalem” (“ירושל[י]ם”). It should also be noted that the dual ending – which may or may not be what the -áyim in “Mitzráyim” actually represents – was available to other Semitic languages, such as Arabic, but was not applied to Egypt. See inter alia Aaron Demsky (“Hebrew Names in the Dual Form and the Toponym Yerushalayim” in Demsky (ed.) These Are the Names: Studies in Jewish Onomastics, Vol. 3 (Ramat Gan, 2002), pp. 11–20), Avi Hurvitz (A Concise Lexicon of Late Biblical Hebrew: Linguistic Innovations in the Writings of the Second Temple Period (Brill, 2014), p. 128) and Nadav Na’aman (“Shaaraim – The Gateway to the Kingdom of Judah” in The Journal of Hebrew Scriptures, Vol. 8 (2008), article no. 24 Archived 17 October 2014 at the Wayback Machine, pp. 2–3).
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  4437. ^ The ending of the Hebrew form is either a dual or an ending identical to the dual in form (perhaps a locative), and this has sometimes been taken as referring to the two kingdoms of Upper and Lower Egypt. However, the application of the (possibly) “dual” ending to some toponyms and other words, a development peculiar to Hebrew, does not in fact imply any “two-ness” about the place. The ending is found, for example, in the Hebrew words for such single entities as “water” (“מַיִם”), “noon” (“צָהֳרַיִם”), “sky/heaven” (“שָׁמַיִם”), and in the qere – but not the original “ketiv” – of “Jerusalem” (“ירושל[י]ם”). It should also be noted that the dual ending – which may or may not be what the -áyim in “Mitzráyim” actually represents – was available to other Semitic languages, such as Arabic, but was not applied to Egypt. See inter alia Aaron Demsky (“Hebrew Names in the Dual Form and the Toponym Yerushalayim” in Demsky (ed.) These Are the Names: Studies in Jewish Onomastics, Vol. 3 (Ramat Gan, 2002), pp. 11–20), Avi Hurvitz (A Concise Lexicon of Late Biblical Hebrew: Linguistic Innovations in the Writings of the Second Temple Period (Brill, 2014), p. 128) and Nadav Na’aman (“Shaaraim – The Gateway to the Kingdom of Judah” in The Journal of Hebrew Scriptures, Vol. 8 (2008), article no. 24 Archived 17 October 2014 at the Wayback Machine, pp. 2–3).
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Mukesh Singh Profile He is an IITian, Electronics & Telecom Engineer and MBA in TQM with more than 15 years wide experience in Education sector, Quality Assurance & Software development . He is TQM expert and worked for numbers of Schools ,College and Universities to implement TQM in education sectors He is an author of “TQM in Practice” and member of “Quality circle forum of India”, Indian Institute of Quality, New Delhi & World Quality Congress . His thesis on TQM was published during world quality congress 2003 and he is also faculty member of Quality Institute of India ,New Delhi He is a Six Sigma Master Black Belt from CII. He worked in Raymond Ltd from 1999-2001 and joined Innodata Software Ltd in 2001 as a QA Engineer. He worked with the Dow Chemical Company (US MNC) for implementation of Quality Systems and Process Improvement for Software Industries & Automotive Industries. He worked with leading certification body like ICS, SGS, DNV,TUV & BVQI for Systems Certification & Consultancy and audited & consulted more than 1000 reputed organization for (ISO 9001/14001/18001/22000/TS16949,ISO 22001 & ISO 27001) and helped the supplier base of OEM's for improving the product quality, IT security and achieving customer satisfaction through implementation of effective systems. Faculty with his wide experience with more than 500 Industries (Like TCS, Indian Railways, ONGC, BPCL, HPCL, BSE( Gr Floor BOI Shareholdings), UTI, ONGC, Lexcite.com Ltd, eximkey.com, Penta Computing, Selectron Process Control, Mass-Tech, United Software Inc, Indrajit System, Reymount Commodities, PC Ware, ACI Laptop ,Elle Electricals, DAV Institutions etc), has helped the industry in implementing ISMS Risk Analysis, Asset Classification, BCP Planning, ISMS Implementation FMEA, Process Control using Statistical Techniques and Problem Solving approach making process improvements in various assignments. He has traveled to 25 countries around the world including US, Europe and worldwide regularly for corporate training and business purposes.
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