The Mysterious Detention of Kizza Besigye: Unveiling the Events Leading to His Military Court Trial

Nearly two weeks have passed since Ugandan opposition leader Dr. Kizza Besigye vanished during a visit to Kenya, triggering a wave of shock, confusion, and outrage across East Africa. Besigye, a fierce critic of Uganda’s long-serving President Yoweri Museveni, had travelled to Nairobi for personal reasons, but what should have been a routine visit turned into an international controversy. His sudden disappearance and subsequent appearance in a Ugandan military court have raised disturbing questions about the possible involvement of Kenyan authorities, or at the very least, their awareness of the operation.

The Abduction: A Carefully Orchestrated Plan?

According to reports from Besigye’s wife and his political allies, the opposition leader was seemingly lured into the hands of his abductors. His family has described a highly coordinated plan where Besigye, while in Nairobi, was approached by individuals disguised as Kenyan security agents. These individuals allegedly had detailed knowledge of Besigye’s movements, including when he boarded a flight from Entebbe Airport in Uganda to Nairobi.

Besigye’s allies now claim he was watched closely from the moment he left Uganda, and his every move was being tracked. They suggest that Besigye’s visit to Kenya was part of a trap, and that he was lured into a meeting with operatives disguised as local officials.

The Disappearance: A Covert Operation?

Reports from multiple sources indicate that Besigye was not only intercepted by the supposed agents but was also transferred out of Kenya in a manner that bypassed normal extradition procedures. According to several witnesses, there was no official explanation for his disappearance while in Nairobi, and it is unclear whether he was handed over to Ugandan authorities directly by Kenyan officials or whether a clandestine exchange occurred behind closed doors.

Kenya, on its part, has denied any involvement in the incident, with government spokespeople insisting that it is conducting an internal investigation. However, Ugandan officials have strongly suggested that Kenya was fully aware of the plans and may have cooperated with the operation. Intelligence correspondence reportedly shared between the two governments has been cited by Uganda as evidence that Kenyan authorities were well informed of the plot to track and apprehend Besigye.

The Military Court: No Extradition, No Questions Asked

After being taken from Nairobi, Besigye was inexplicably transferred to Uganda without the proper extradition procedures typically required for such a high-profile case. Instead of returning home through the legal channels, Besigye found himself in the hands of Ugandan military authorities, facing charges that remain shrouded in secrecy. The lack of transparency regarding his transfer and the swift appearance before a military court in Kampala has only added to the growing fears of an orchestrated political attack.

The trial has sparked widespread condemnation, with human rights organizations and opposition groups in Uganda accusing the government of using state machinery to silence dissent. Critics argue that Besigye’s trial is politically motivated and that it aims to further weaken Uganda’s already fragile opposition.

The Role of Kenya: Involvement or Oversight?

While Kenyan officials insist they were not involved in the operation, the timing of Besigye’s disappearance and the nature of the intelligence sharing between Uganda and Kenya have raised serious concerns. Some experts believe the two countries may have engaged in an informal, yet effective, exchange of intelligence to neutralize a perceived threat to the stability of the region. Uganda has long accused Kenya of harboring opposition figures, including Besigye, who have fled the country in fear of political persecution.

The role of Kenya remains unclear, but the possibility of a covert operation involving both governments is an issue that is unlikely to fade anytime soon. The diplomatic fallout from this event could have far-reaching implications, especially in light of regional efforts to maintain peace and cooperation within East Africa.

Conclusion: What Happens Next?

As Kizza Besigye prepares to return to the military court in Kampala, there are increasing fears that the trial will be a prelude to even harsher tactics aimed at silencing the opposition. Besigye’s case has captured international attention, with calls for accountability and the protection of basic human rights growing louder each day.

The questions surrounding his disappearance remain unanswered: Was this a joint operation between two neighboring countries, or was it a politically motivated abduction facilitated by oversight? The answers, which may never come to light, will continue to haunt the relationship between Uganda and Kenya and raise uncomfortable questions about the lengths governments will go to when dealing with dissent.

Who is Kizza Besigye?

Kizza Besigye is one of Uganda’s most prominent opposition leaders and a long-time challenger to the presidency of Yoweri Museveni, who has ruled Uganda since 1986. Besigye has contested four presidential elections (2001, 2006, 2011, and 2016) against Museveni, but has never won. Despite his repeated losses, Besigye remains a key figure in Uganda’s political landscape, often regarded as the face of the opposition.

Besigye was initially a member of Museveni’s government, serving as a doctor in the military and later as the personal physician to Museveni. However, he became a vocal critic of Museveni’s government, particularly over issues related to corruption, governance, and human rights abuses. This led him to launch a political career, culminating in his run for the presidency. His frequent defeats at the polls have not deterred his resolve; instead, they have reinforced his reputation as a staunch opponent of Museveni’s rule.

In recent years, Besigye has been less active in the political sphere, notably opting not to contest the 2021 presidential election. However, earlier this year, he announced the formation of a new political party, the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF), after breaking away from the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), the party he helped establish two decades ago. This move signaled his ongoing commitment to opposing Museveni’s government, even though he has scaled back his involvement in day-to-day politics.

Despite his status as Museveni’s chief political rival, Besigye has maintained relatively open relations with Kenya, frequently traveling to the neighboring country for high-profile events. His interactions with Kenya have largely been unremarkable in the past, with Besigye often moving freely across the border. However, the recent mysterious circumstances surrounding his disappearance while in Kenya and his subsequent appearance in a Ugandan military court have raised alarms, bringing new attention to his relationship with neighboring countries and his ongoing opposition to Museveni.

What Led Up to Kizza Besigye’s Disappearance?

On November 16, 2023, Kizza Besigye, the prominent Ugandan opposition leader, traveled to Nairobi, Kenya, to attend the launch of a book by Kenyan opposition politician Martha Karua. Besigye, 68, landed in Nairobi early that morning and made his way to his hotel in the upscale Hurlingham area. He was accompanied by his long-term ally, Hajj Obeid Lutale, and everything seemed normal as they settled into the city.

After some hours of rest, Besigye left the hotel and took a taxi to Riverside Drive, a neighborhood approximately 5 km from his accommodation. There, he was scheduled for a private meeting with unidentified individuals. This would be the last time Besigye was seen, and what happened next remains unclear.

The Disappearance

According to reports from Besigye’s team, his taxi driver waited for him at the meeting location for over 12 hours, unable to reach him by phone. Despite the long wait, the driver eventually gave up and left the area. Meanwhile, back in Uganda, Besigye’s team became increasingly concerned as they could not contact him. His phones went unanswered, and distress calls began to spread through his political circles.

Besigye’s wife, Winnie Byanyima, who heads the UN’s HIV/AIDS organization, took to social media the following day, expressing her deep concern. She publicly stated that her husband had been “kidnapped” in Nairobi, a statement that resonated with many, sparking immediate fears and speculation regarding the politician’s fate.

The Book Launch

The next day, Besigye’s absence from the book launch was noticed. He had been expected to be the guest speaker at the event, and his reserved seat remained empty. This raised further alarm among event organizers and his supporters, who were now questioning what had happened to the long-time opposition leader.

For several days, the whereabouts of Besigye remained unknown, and his disappearance quickly became a major headline, not only in Uganda but across East Africa. Speculation mounted regarding possible political motives behind his sudden vanishing act, with many questioning whether it had anything to do with his longstanding opposition to President Yoweri Museveni’s regime.

The Reappearance in Uganda

Four days after his disappearance in Nairobi, Besigye suddenly reappeared in Uganda, but under very mysterious circumstances. It was reported that he was transferred from Kenya to Uganda without following standard extradition procedures, raising even more questions about the involvement of the Kenyan authorities, or at least their knowledge of what had happened.

His return to Uganda was marked by his sudden appearance before a Ugandan military court, where the opposition leader would face trial, though the exact charges against him remain unclear. This strange sequence of events has fueled a growing sense of alarm over potential political machinations, not only within Uganda but also across the border in Kenya, with many critics suspecting that the Kenyan authorities may have been complicit in the abduction or at least had some level of involvement.

In the coming days, more details about Besigye’s disappearance may emerge, but for now, his sudden vanishing and the circumstances surrounding his return to Uganda have raised serious questions about the lengths to which governments in the region are willing to go to suppress dissent.

How Kizza Besigye Was Picked Up

Kizza Besigye’s disappearance took a dramatic turn on the afternoon of November 16, 2023, when he and his long-time associate, Hajj Obeid Lutale, arrived at an apartment along Riverside Drive in Nairobi. The meeting was set up by a British national who, according to Besigye’s wife, Winnie Byanyima, wanted to introduce the opposition leader to a group of businessmen interested in supporting Besigye’s newly formed party, the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF).

Upon entering the apartment, Besigye and Lutale found themselves in the presence of an unidentified Ugandan national and the British national, with a box in the room that appeared to contain a large sum of money. One of the men was also carrying two guns, further raising suspicions about the nature of the meeting.

It was at this point that the situation took a sinister turn. According to Byanyima’s account on Kenya’s Citizen TV, a knock on the door signaled the arrival of eight men in plain clothes, who claimed to be Kenyan police officers. They informed Besigye and his associate that they were under arrest. Despite Besigye’s attempts to explain that he had no involvement with the money or the weapons in the room, the men did not listen and proceeded to seize both men.

The Abduction

Four of the men then forcibly bundled Besigye and Lutale into a vehicle with Kenyan number plates, under the cover of night. According to Byanyima, the operation appeared to be meticulously planned. As they were driven toward the border with Uganda, the men switched from speaking Swahili to Luganda and Runyankole, languages spoken in Uganda, which suggested that the operation was coordinated across both countries.

Besigye and Lutale were transported without their belongings, including their passports, which were later retrieved by Besigye’s political party officials from the Nairobi hotel where they had been staying. The fact that they were taken under such mysterious and unusual circumstances raised immediate questions about the involvement of Kenyan authorities in the abduction.

Crossing the Border

The two men were transported to Uganda without undergoing any normal security checks at the border. Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, a spokesperson for Besigye’s PFF party, confirmed to Uganda’s Monitor newspaper that the pair was ferried through the Malaba border post, which is typically a point of routine security and immigration checks. However, the vehicle with the Kenyan number plate was abandoned at the border, and the two were transferred to another vehicle with Ugandan plates, suggesting a well-coordinated operation that involved both Kenyan and Ugandan authorities.

The seamless nature of the operation, the lack of intervention from either country’s border security, and the sudden switch in languages raised suspicions that the abduction had been orchestrated at the highest levels, with both nations either directly involved or aware of the plan to capture Besigye and Lutale.

Conclusion

Besigye’s abduction was a highly orchestrated operation that involved a combination of deception, force, and cross-border coordination. The events leading to his disappearance, including the mysterious meeting and the swift movement of the two men between countries, suggest that his capture was not a random incident but part of a larger political strategy aimed at neutralizing one of President Museveni’s most prominent critics.

Why Was Kizza Besigye Picked Up in Nairobi? Was He Set Up?

Kizza Besigye’s abduction in Nairobi, followed by his swift transfer to Uganda and subsequent trial, raises serious questions about the motivations behind his arrest and whether he was deliberately set up. According to Ugandan authorities, Besigye’s arrest was a result of extensive intelligence gathering, and the operation was carried out with the collaboration of Kenyan authorities, though Kenyan officials have denied any involvement.

The Alleged Intelligence Behind the Operation

Uganda’s Information Minister, Chris Baryomunsi, stated that Ugandan detectives had gathered “enough intelligence” to arrest Besigye while he was in Nairobi. He suggested that the operation, which involved both Ugandan and Kenyan authorities, was aimed at neutralizing Besigye due to his role as a major political challenger to President Yoweri Museveni’s government. However, Kenyan officials have consistently denied being involved, claiming they had no knowledge of the operation. This has led to significant speculation about the true level of Kenyan involvement, with some questioning whether they turned a blind eye or were complicit in the cross-border abduction.

The Legal Justification for Transfer

One of the reasons provided for why Besigye was transferred directly to Uganda for trial, instead of being tried in Kenya, is that the crime was considered to be against Uganda, not Kenya. Brigadier General Felix Kulayigye, a spokesperson for Uganda’s army, explained in an interview that Uganda and Kenya have a legal framework to address threats to regional security, but he did not elaborate on why the usual extradition process was bypassed. The lack of an extradition procedure is a point of concern, as it suggests that standard legal protocols were ignored in this case, fueling further suspicions of the operation being politically motivated.

The Role of Insiders and the Setup

Reports indicate that Besigye’s arrest was not a spontaneous decision, but a well-planned operation months in the making. The organizers of the meeting that Besigye attended, including a British national and a senior Ugandan army official, were reportedly close to Besigye. This raises the possibility that Besigye was set up by people he trusted.

Besigye’s wife, Winnie Byanyima, has publicly accused the British national who attended the meeting of being a “paid operative” working to undermine Besigye. According to Byanyima, this individual attempted to plant guns on Besigye during the meeting, suggesting that the setup was intended to implicate him in criminal activities and provide a pretext for his arrest. The presence of a box of money and guns in the room, along with the highly irregular nature of the meeting, further supports the idea that Besigye was being framed, and that the meeting may have been orchestrated to make him appear guilty of illegal activities.

Conclusion: A Political Maneuver or a Legitimate Operation?

Besigye’s arrest in Nairobi, subsequent transfer to Uganda, and the surrounding circumstances all point to the possibility of a highly coordinated political operation designed to neutralize one of Museveni’s most prominent critics. The involvement of insiders, the unusual handling of his transfer, and the lack of transparency regarding the extradition process raise significant doubts about the legitimacy of the operation. Whether or not Kenyan authorities were directly involved, it is clear that Besigye’s arrest was part of a broader political strategy, potentially involving both Ugandan and foreign actors, aimed at silencing a key opposition figure.

Why Is Kizza Besigye Facing a Military Court?

Kizza Besigye, Uganda’s prominent opposition leader, has been arraigned before a military court in Kampala, a situation that raises significant concerns about the fairness and legality of his trial. The decision to try Besigye in a court martial, rather than a civilian court, is part of a longstanding pattern in Uganda, where civilians have been subjected to military trials despite the Constitutional Court ruling against this practice.

Legal Basis for Military Court Trial

Uganda’s army spokesperson, Brigadier General Felix Kulayigye, explained that Besigye is being tried by a military court because he “subjected himself to military law.” This justification stems from Besigye’s prior association with Uganda’s military, having served as a doctor in the army and as President Museveni’s personal physician in the past. As a former member of the military, Besigye is seen by some as being subject to military law, though this argument is contentious.

Besigye’s trial in a military court is significant because, over the years, the Ugandan government has frequently used military courts to try civilians, particularly opposition figures, despite legal challenges. The Constitutional Court in Uganda has ruled that civilians should not be tried in military courts, but this ruling has often been disregarded by the government, which continues to use military tribunals as a tool for dealing with political opponents.

The Charges Against Besigye

Besigye and his co-accused are facing several serious charges, including being found in possession of two pistols and ammunition, and attempting to purchase weapons from foreign nationals in cities like Geneva, Athens, and Nairobi. The charges have been contested by Besigye, who denies all allegations. He has rejected being tried by a court martial, arguing that if there are any charges against him, they should be brought in a civilian court, especially since the alleged offenses took place outside Uganda.

Besigye’s legal team also argued that since the alleged activities occurred in foreign countries, they are outside the jurisdiction of Uganda’s military courts, and thus the trial should be dismissed or moved to a civilian court. However, the court martial overruled these objections, allowing the trial to continue, and Besigye was remanded in custody at Luzira maximum prison.

Public and Legal Reactions

Human rights activists and legal experts, including Ugandan lawyer Agather Atuhaire, have expressed concern over the use of a military court for Besigye’s trial, arguing that Kenya should have arrested Besigye under the relevant extradition laws and transferred him to Uganda. This would have ensured a more transparent and lawful process, as opposed to the irregularities surrounding his abduction and swift transfer from Nairobi to Uganda.

Besigye’s wife, Winnie Byanyima, has publicly stated that she does not expect her husband to receive justice in the current political climate, which is marked by fears of judicial bias and political interference.

Government’s Position

Despite the controversy, Brigadier General Kulayigye defended the court martial process, claiming that it is not a “kangaroo court” and assuring the public that “justice will be served.” This response reflects the government’s stance that the military court is a legitimate forum for handling cases involving national security and other serious offenses, though critics argue that it is used to silence political opposition.

Conclusion

Kizza Besigye’s trial in a military court is emblematic of the broader issues surrounding the Ugandan government’s treatment of opposition figures and its reliance on military tribunals to bypass civilian judicial processes. While the Ugandan authorities claim that the court martial is justified, Besigye’s legal team and human rights advocates argue that his trial is politically motivated and violates Uganda’s constitutional principles. The case highlights ongoing concerns about the erosion of the rule of law in Uganda and the suppression of dissent.

Has the Matter Affected Relations Between Kenya and Uganda?

The mysterious disappearance of Ugandan opposition leader Kizza Besigye in Nairobi and his subsequent return to Uganda has created diplomatic tensions between Kenya and Uganda. Kenyan authorities have been inconsistent in their responses, with some denying any knowledge of the operation, while Ugandan officials insist that intelligence and coordination were shared between the two countries.

Uganda’s Allegations of Kenyan Involvement

Uganda’s Information Minister, Chris Baryomunsi, has firmly stated that the Ugandan government was in direct contact with Kenya during Besigye’s abduction. He questioned how Besigye could have been arrested in the heart of Nairobi and swiftly brought back to Uganda without the full knowledge and support of Kenyan authorities. This suggests that there was cooperation between the two governments, although Kenya continues to deny involvement in the operation.

Baryomunsi’s comments raise questions about the extent of the intelligence sharing and coordination between the two countries, leading to speculations that Kenya may have been complicit or at least aware of the operation. The suggestion that Besigye’s arrest was facilitated by Kenya has sparked debate within both countries, particularly concerning the role of the Kenyan government in facilitating what many view as an unlawful abduction.

Kenya’s Response and Diplomatic Tensions

In response to the growing diplomatic concerns, Kenya’s Acting Foreign Affairs Minister Musalia Mudavadi has refrained from providing clear answers, opting instead to defend Kenya’s position. Mudavadi emphasized Kenya’s openness as a country that allows “a lot of latitude” but warned against foreigners causing a rift between Kenya and their home countries. He also described Uganda as Kenya’s “strong partner,” signaling a desire to resolve the matter diplomatically.

However, Kenya’s reluctance to fully address the issue has not quelled the backlash. Ugandans have expressed their anger both publicly and privately, with protests outside the Kenyan embassy in Kampala and calls for boycotts of Kenyan brands. The silence and evasiveness of Kenyan officials have only fueled suspicions that Kenya played a role in Besigye’s abduction or was complicit in allowing the operation to take place.

Impact on Kenya-Uganda Relations

The incident has strained relations between the two countries, with Ugandans questioning the nature of security ties between Kenya and Uganda. The political fallout has led to protests and public outrage in Uganda, while some Kenyans are now asking about the transparency and legality of security cooperation between the two nations.

Uganda’s accusation that Kenya was involved in Besigye’s abduction has not only raised tensions but also highlighted deeper concerns about the political environment in both countries. The timing of Besigye’s detention, amid a series of high-profile abductions in Kenya, including the controversial deportation of Turkish refugees to Turkey, has cast a shadow over Kenya’s reputation as a safe and democratic country in the region.

Conclusion

While Kenya and Uganda are typically strong regional partners, the Besigye incident has exposed underlying tensions in their relationship. The confusion over the nature of Kenya’s involvement and the lack of transparency from Kenyan officials have deepened the diplomatic rift. As protests erupt in Uganda and the Kenyan government faces criticism from both sides of the border, it remains to be seen how the matter will affect long-term relations between the two nations. The situation is also a reminder of the broader concerns about human rights, the rule of law, and political freedoms in East Africa.

Courtesy: Times Now World

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^ Jump up to:^a b c d Warmington, Brian (1981). “The Carthaginian Period”. General History of Africa: Volume 2. UNESCO Publishing.

^ Jump up to:^a b Mahjoubi, Ammar; Salama, Pierre (1981). “The Roman and post-Roman period in North Africa”. General History of Africa: Volume 2. UNESCO Publishing.

^ Duncan E. Miller and N. J. Van Der Merwe, ‘Early Metal Working in Sub Saharan Africa’ Journal of African History 35 (1994), pp. 1–36; Minze Stuiver and N. J. Van Der Merwe, ‘Radiocarbon Chronology of the Iron Age in Sub-Saharan Africa’ Current Anthropology 1968.

^ Collins & Burns (2007), pp. 79–80.

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^ Riggs, Thomas (2006). Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices: Religions and denominations. Thomson Gale. p. 1. ISBN 9780787666125. Although a large proportion of Africans have converted to Islam an Christianity, these two world religions have been assimilated into African culture, and many African Christians and Muslims maintain traditional spiritual beliefs

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^ Jump up to:^a b Zimmer, Carl (10 September 2019). “Scientists Find the Skull of Humanity’s Ancestor – on a Computer – By comparing fossils and CT scans, researchers say they have reconstructed the skull of the last common forebear of modern humans”. The New York Times. Archived from the original on 31 December 2019. Retrieved 10 September 2019.

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^ Venter & Neuland, NEPAD and the African Renaissance (2005), p. 16.

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^ Hallikan, ‘Abu-l-‘Abbas Sams-al-din ‘Ahmad ibn Muhammad Ibn (1842). Kitab Wafayat Ala’yan. Ibn Khallikan’s Biographical Dictionary Transl. by (Guillaume) B(aro)n Mac-Guckin de Slane. Benjamin Duprat. Archived from the original on 24 September 2019. Retrieved 30 July 2018.

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^ Wells, Spencer (December 2002) The Journey of Man, Archived 27 April 2011 at the Wayback Machine. National Geographic.

^ Oppenheimer, Stephen. The Gates of Grief, Archived 30 May 2014 at the Wayback Machine. bradshawfoundation.com.

^ “15. Strait of Gibraltar, Atlantic Ocean/Mediterranean Sea”. lpi.usra.edu. Archived from the original on 26 January 2021. Retrieved 13 May 2020.

^ Fregel, Rosa; Méndez, Fernando L.; Bokbot, Youssef; Martín-Socas, Dimas; Camalich-Massieu, María D.; Santana, Jonathan; Morales, Jacob; Ávila-Arcos, María C.; Underhill, Peter A.; Shapiro, Beth; Wojcik, Genevieve; Rasmussen, Morten; Soares, André E. R.; Kapp, Joshua; Sockell, Alexandra; Rodríguez-Santos, Francisco J.; Mikdad, Abdeslam; Trujillo-Mederos, Aioze; Bustamante, Carlos D. (26 June 2018). “Ancient genomes from North Africa evidence prehistoric migrations to the Maghreb from both the Levant and Europe”. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 115 (26): 6774–6779. Bibcode:2018PNAS..115.6774F. doi:10.1073/pnas.1800851115. PMC 6042094. PMID 29895688.

^ Derricourt, Robin (2005). “Getting “Out of Africa”: Sea Crossings, Land Crossings and Culture in the Hominin Migrations” (PDF). Journal of World Prehistory. 19 (2): 119–132. doi:10.1007/s10963-006-9002-z. S2CID 28059849. Archived (PDF) from the original on 22 February 2012. Retrieved 26 December 2013.

^ Goucher, Candice; Walton, Linda (2013). World History: Journeys from Past to Present. Routledge. pp. 2–20. ISBN 978-1-134-72354-6. Archived from the original on 11 June 2020. Retrieved 5 February 2018.

^ Keenan, Jeremy (2013). The Sahara: Past, Present and Future. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-97001-9. Archived from the original on 28 February 2017. Retrieved 5 February 2018.

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^ “Sahara’s Abrupt Desertification Started by Changes in Earth’s Orbit, Accelerated by Atmospheric and Vegetation Feedbacks”, Archived 7 March 2014 at the Wayback Machine, Science Daily.

^ Diamond, Jared. (1999) Guns, Germs and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies. New York: Norton, p. 167. ISBN 978-0813498027.

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^ Simon Bradley, A Swiss-led team of archaeologists has discovered pieces of the oldest African pottery in central Mali, dating back to at least 9,400BC, Archived 6 March 2012 at the Wayback Machine, SWI swissinfo.ch – the international service of the Swiss Broadcasting Corporation (SBC), 18 January 2007.

^ Beldados, Alemseged; Manzo, Andrea; Murphy, Charlene; Stevens, Chris J.; Fuller, Dorian Q. (2018). “Evidence of Sorghum Cultivation and Possible Pearl Millet in the Second Millennium BC at Kassala, Eastern Sudan”. Plants and People in the African Past. pp. 503–528. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-89839-1_22. ISBN 978-3-319-89838-4. Archived from the original on 20 May 2022. Retrieved 20 May 2022.

^ Jump up to:^a b Ehret, Christopher (2002). The civilizations of Africa : a history to 1800.

^ Winchell, Frank; Stevens, Chris J.; Murphy, Charlene; Champion, Louis; Fuller, Dorianq. (2017). “Evidence for Sorghum Domestication in Fourth Millennium BC Eastern Sudan: Spikelet Morphology from Ceramic Impressions of the Butana Group”. Current Anthropology. 58 (5): 673–683. doi:10.1086/693898. S2CID 149402650. Archived from the original on 20 May 2022. Retrieved 20 May 2022.

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^ Jump up to:^a b c O’Brien, Patrick K. ed. (2005) Oxford Atlas of World History. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 22–23. ISBN 978-0199746538

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^ Murray, Shawn Sabrina (January 2004). “Searching for the Origins of African Rice Domestication”. Antiquity (78) – via researchgate.net.

^ Martin and O’Meara, “Africa, 3rd Ed.”, Archived 11 October 2007 at the Wayback Machine, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1995.

^ Breunig, Peter. 2014. Nok: African Sculpture in Archaeological Context: p. 21.

^ Fagg, Bernard. 1969. Recent work in west Africa: New light on the Nok culture. World Archaeology 1(1): 41–50.

^ Jump up to:^{a b c d e} Abu Bakr, Abdel (1981). “Pharoanic Egypt”. General History of Africa: Volume 2. UNESCO Publishing.

^ Anderson, J. R. (2012). “Kerma”. The Encyclopedia of Ancient History. The Encyclopedia of Ancient History. doi:10.1002/9781444338386.wbeah15224. ISBN 9781444338386. She states, “To date, Kerma-culture has been found from the region of the First Cataract to upstream of the Fourth Cataract.”

^ Buzon, Michele (2011). “Nubian identity in the Bronze Age. Patterns of cultural and biological variation”. Retrieved 30 March 2017.

^ “Tomb Reveals Ancient Egypt’s Humiliating Secrets”. Daily Times. 29 July 2003. Archived from the original on 5 November 2013.

^ Elayi, Josette (2018). Sennacherib, King of Assyria. SBL Press. pp. 66–67. ISBN 978-0-88414-318-5.

^ Riad, Henry (1981). “Egypt in the Hellenistic era”. General History of Africa: Volume 2. UNESCO Publishing.

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^ Njoku, Raphael Chijioke (2013). The History of Somalia. ABC-CLIO. pp. 29–31. ISBN 978-0313378577.

^ Dalal, Roshen (2011). The Illustrated Timeline of the History of the World. The Rosen Publishing Group. p. 131. ISBN 978-1448847976.

^ Pankhurst, Richard K. P. Addis Tribune, “Let’s Look Across the Red Sea I“, January 17, 2003 (archive.org mirror copy).

^ Eric Herbert Warmington, The Commerce Between the Roman Empire and India, p. 187.

^ George Hatke, Aksum and Nubia: Warfare, Commerce, and Political Fictions in Ancient Northeast Africa, (New York University Press, 2013), pp. 44. ISBN 0-7486-0106-6.

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^ Uhlig, Siegbert. Encyclopaedia Aethiopica: A–C. p. 175.

^ Munro-Hay, Stuart (1991). Aksum: An African Civilisation of Late Antiquity. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. p. 17. ISBN 0748601066.

^ Jump up to:^a b c d Warmington, Brian (1981). “The Carthaginian Period”. General History of Africa: Volume 2. UNESCO Publishing.

^ Jump up to:^a b Mahjoubi, Ammar; Salama, Pierre (1981). “The Roman and post-Roman period in North Africa”. General History of Africa: Volume 2. UNESCO Publishing.

^ Duncan E. Miller and N. J. Van Der Merwe, ‘Early Metal Working in Sub Saharan Africa’ Journal of African History 35 (1994), pp. 1–36; Minze Stuiver and N. J. Van Der Merwe, ‘Radiocarbon Chronology of the Iron Age in Sub-Saharan Africa’ Current Anthropology 1968.

^ Collins & Burns (2007), pp. 79–80.

^ Jump up to:^a b Holl, Augustine (1985). “Background to the Ghana empire: Archaeological investigations on the transition to statehood in the Dhar Tichitt region (mauritania)”. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology. 4 (2): 73–115. doi:10.1016/0278-4165(85)90005-4.

^ Anquandah, James (1995). The Kintampo Complex: a case study of early sedentism and food production in sub-Sahelian west Africa, pp. 255–259 in Shaw, Thurstan, Andah, Bassey W and Sinclair, Paul (1995). The Archaeology of Africa: Food, Metals and Towns. London, England: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-11585-X.

^ Eggert, Manfred (2014). “Early iron in West and Central Africa”. In Breunig, P (ed.). Nok: African Sculpture in Archaeological Context. Frankfurt, Germany: Africa Magna Verlag Press. pp. 51–59.

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^ Jump up to:^a b Gestrich, Nikolas (2019). “Ghana Empire”. Oxford Research Encyclopedias: African history. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.013.396. ISBN 978-0-19-027773-4.

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^ McIntosh, Susan (2008). “Reconceptualizing Early Ghana”. Canadian Journal of African Studies. 43 (2). Taylor and Francis: 347–373. JSTOR 40380172.

^ Posnansky, Merrick (1981). “The societies of Africa south of the Sahara in the Early Iron Age”. General History of Africa: Volume 2 (PDF). UNESCO. p. 729.

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^ Jump up to:^a b Fanso, Verkijika G. (1989). Cameroon History for Secondary Schools and Colleges. Vol. 1. Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-333-47121-0.

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^ Honour, Hugh; Fleming, John (2005). A world history of art (7th ed.). London: Laurence King. ISBN 978-1856694513.

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^ Glick, Thomas F. (2005). Islamic And Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages. Brill Academic Publishers, p. 37. ISBN 978-9004147713.

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