“Putin’s Desperate Shift: North Korean Troops Fail, Russia Now Relying on Saudi Arabia’s Enemy”

Er Mukesh Singh

3 months ago

Both Russia and Ukraine are facing challenges in recruiting sufficient troops to replace battlefield casualties. To avoid a costly and unpopular domestic mobilization, Russia has increasingly relied on foreign fighters to bolster its ranks. This strategy has led the Kremlin to seek assistance from countries like North Korea and, more recently, even Saudi Arabia’s adversaries. Meanwhile, Ukraine is also grappling with similar recruitment difficulties, trying to balance its military needs with public support at home. Both nations continue to navigate the complex dynamics of foreign recruitment as the war intensifies.

In the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict, Russia has reportedly recruited fighters from Yemen’s Houthi rebel group to reinforce its military efforts against Ukraine. According to a report by the Financial Times, hundreds of Houthi fighters have been lured to Russia, with promises that appear to have been misleading. These rebels, who have been engaged in a long-standing conflict in Yemen, are said to have been enticed by offers of wages and support, but many have reportedly been deceived about the nature of their involvement in the war. This move highlights Russia’s continued reliance on foreign fighters as it struggles to replenish its forces amidst mounting casualties and international isolation. The Houthi rebels’ participation in the war adds another complex layer to the conflict, with implications for both regional and global dynamics.

Reports indicate that Russia is offering significant incentives to the Houthis in exchange for their participation in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict. According to sources, the Yemeni fighters are being promised Russian weapons transfers, which could significantly enhance the Houthi’s military capabilities. Tim Lenderking, the U.S. special envoy for Yemen, confirmed the presence of Russian operatives in the Yemeni capital, Sana’a, working to strengthen ties with the rebel group. In an interview with the Financial Times, Lenderking expressed concern over the types of weapons being discussed, which he described as “alarming.” He warned that these weapons could improve the Houthis’ ability to target ships in the Red Sea and potentially extend their reach beyond the region, adding a new layer of geopolitical risk. This development underscores Russia’s growing efforts to forge strategic alliances with groups in the Middle East, further complicating the global ramifications of the Ukraine war.

Since the start of Israel’s war in Gaza last year, the Houthis have reportedly attacked at least 90 merchant ships in what appears to be an act of solidarity with Hamas, another group backed by Iran. These attacks highlight the Houthis’ growing involvement in regional conflicts and their alignment with Tehran’s interests. By targeting commercial vessels in the Red Sea, the Houthis have demonstrated their increasing military capabilities, potentially exacerbating tensions in the Middle East. This further complicates the geopolitical landscape, especially as Russia’s recruitment of Houthi fighters could strengthen their strategic ties.

Both Russia and Ukraine are facing significant challenges in recruiting enough troops to replace the heavy battlefield casualties sustained during the ongoing conflict. In an effort to avoid a costly and unpopular domestic mobilization, the Kremlin has turned to foreign fighters to bolster its military ranks. Russia has recruited soldiers from countries such as Nepal and India, along with an estimated 12,000 troops from North Korea. These foreign fighters are being lured with promises of wages and other incentives, as Russia struggles to maintain its manpower without further escalating internal opposition. This reliance on external forces reflects Russia’s growing desperation and its efforts to sustain military momentum in the face of increasing losses. Meanwhile, Ukraine is also grappling with similar recruitment difficulties, navigating the fine line between maintaining its defensive efforts and keeping domestic support intact.

In the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict, Russia has resorted to recruiting foreign fighters to bolster its military, including young men from Yemen. These recruits were promised high-paying jobs and Russian citizenship, but upon arrival in Russia, many were forcibly conscripted into the military and sent directly to the frontlines. This has raised serious concerns, especially as the U.S., U.K., and France have recently approved the use of long-range missiles by Ukraine, escalating tensions in the region and stoking fears of a potential Third World War.

A U.S. diplomat noted that the agreement between Russia and Yemen’s Houthi organization aligns with Moscow’s broader intentions to strengthen its military by exploiting vulnerable regions, particularly Yemen’s impoverished conditions. Analysts suggest that some Houthi rebels were already trained in Russia, which made it easier to recruit them for the war effort.

The recruitment of Houthi fighters reportedly began in July, with contracts revealing the involvement of a company linked to prominent Houthi leader Abdulwali Abdo Hassan Al-Jabari. This company, deceptively listed as a tour operator and medical equipment retailer, was instrumental in recruiting Yemeni mercenaries. One contract, dated July 3, was signed by a contractor selection center based in Nizhny Novgorod, Russia. By September, around 200 Yemeni recruits had been inducted into the Russian military, despite being promised civilian jobs in engineering and security. Upon arrival, these men faced brutal realities, with reports indicating that some, disillusioned by their treatment, tried to escape or even resorted to self-harm.

Meanwhile, earlier reports have suggested that North Korea sent approximately 10,000 soldiers to Russia to support its war efforts. These troops, trained in Russia, were deployed to regions like Kursk, where Ukrainian forces had made significant advances. Ukraine’s military has alleged that North Korean soldiers are actively fighting alongside Russian forces. Additionally, media reports indicate that North Korea has supplied Russia with long-range missiles and artillery systems, further strengthening Russia’s military capabilities in the ongoing conflict.

As the war intensifies and global powers weigh in with military support, Russia’s use of foreign mercenaries and alliances with countries like North Korea and Yemen underscores the increasingly international nature of the conflict, raising concerns over further regional instability and the potential for broader escalation.

The Houthis are an armed group from Yemen’s minority Shia Zaidi community, which has a long history dating back to the 1990s. The group is named after its founder, Hussein al-Houthi, and has played a central role in Yemen’s ongoing power struggle. Over the years, the Houthis gained significant political influence, culminating in their seizure of Yemen’s capital, Sana’a, in 2014. This move led to the ousting of President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, who fled the country in 2015.

In response to the Houthis’ growing power, a coalition led by Saudi Arabia intervened in Yemen, aiming to restore Hadi to power and curb the influence of the Houthis. The conflict has since become a proxy war, with Saudi Arabia supporting the Yemeni government, while Iran backs the Houthis. This alliance with Iran has further intensified the regional rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Tehran, as the two countries vie for influence in the Middle East. The Houthis’ relationship with Iran has fueled tensions not only within Yemen but across the broader region, as Saudi Arabia perceives the Houthis as a direct threat to its security and regional dominance.

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^ Bershidsky, Leonid (6 February 2015). “One Year Later, Crimeans Prefer Russia”. Bloomberg News. Archived from the original on 13 April 2016. Retrieved 13 March 2022. Eighty-two percent of those polled said they fully supported Crimea’s inclusion in Russia, and another 11 percent expressed partial support. Only 4 percent spoke out against it.
^ “Sotsial’no-politicheskiye nastroyeniya zhiteley Kryma” Социально-политические настроения жителей Крыма [Socio-Political Moods of Crimean Residents] (PDF). GfK Ukraine (in Russian). Archived from the original (PDF) on 29 October 2015. Retrieved 20 December 2018. 82% крымчан полностью поддерживают присоединение Крыма к России, 11% – скорее поддерживают, и 4% высказались против этого. Среди тех, кто не поддерживает присоединение Крыма к России, больше половины считают, что присоединение было не полностью законным и его нужно провести в соответствии с международным правом [82% of Crimeans fully support the annexation of Crimea to Russia, 11% rather support it, and 4% were against it. Among those who do not support the annexation of Crimea to Russia, more than half believe that the annexation was not completely legal and should be carried out in accordance with international law]
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^ Jump up to:^a ^b McDermott, Roger N. (2016). “Brothers Disunited: Russia’s use of military power in Ukraine”. In Black, J.L.; Johns, Michael (eds.). The Return of the Cold War: Ukraine, the West and Russia. London: Routledge. pp. 99–129. doi:10.4324/9781315684567-5. ISBN 978-1-138-92409-3. OCLC 909325250.
^ “Ukraine v. Russia (re Crimea) (decision)”. European Court of Human Rights. January 2021. The Ukrainian Government maintains that the Russian Federation has from 27 February 2014 exercised effective control over the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol … There was sufficient evidence that during the relevant period the respondent State [Russia] had exercised effective control over Crimea.
^ Sasse, Gwendolyn (2023). Russia’s War Against Ukraine. Wiley & Sons. p. 2004. Russia’s war against Ukraine began with the annexation of Crimea on 27 February 2014. On that day, Russian special forces without any uniform insignia appeared in Crimea, quickly taking control of strategic, military and political institutions.
^ “‘Няша’ Поклонська обіцяє бійцям ‘Беркута’ покарати учасників Майдану”. www.segodnya.ua (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 3 February 2022.
^ “7683rd meeting of the United Nations Security Council. Thursday, 28 April 2016, 3 p.m. New York”. Mr. Prystaiko (Ukraine): … In that regard, I have to remind the Council that the official medal that was produced by the Russian Federation for the so-called return of Crimea has the dates on it, starting with 20 February, which is the day before that agreement was brought to the attention of the Security Council by the representative of the Russian Federation. Therefore, the Russian Federation started – not just planned, but started – the annexation of Crimea the day before we reached the first agreement and while President Yanukovych was still in power.
^ “Спікер ВР АРК вважає, що Крим може відокремитися від України”. Українська правда (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 3 February 2022.
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