“Strategic Convergence or Divergence? The Evolving China-India Dynamic”

China–India relations


China-India Relations: A Cautious Path Toward De-escalation and Repair

In recent weeks, both China and India have made efforts to repair ties that have been severely strained by a prolonged border standoff. The meeting between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping last month marked a significant moment in this diplomatic reset. For Beijing, the encounter represented a much-needed “restart” of the relationship, after several years of escalating tensions that stemmed from military skirmishes along their disputed border in the Himalayas.

The meeting between Modi and Xi was framed as a potential turning point, signaling a desire to shift away from the brinkmanship of the past few years. Since the 2020 Galwan Valley clashes, during which soldiers from both countries lost their lives, the two nations had seen a sharp deterioration in their relations. Border tensions escalated, with both sides engaging in extensive military build-ups and deploying large numbers of troops to the disputed areas. Diplomatic dialogue was reduced to a minimum, and a sense of mistrust hung over the bilateral relationship.

From Beijing’s perspective, the Modi-Xi meeting offered a chance to de-escalate and re-establish lines of communication. The Chinese leadership has long sought stability with India, particularly in the context of their shared border and growing regional influence. Xi, who has emphasized China’s commitment to peace and economic development, likely sees improved ties with India as crucial to ensuring stability in the region and promoting China’s broader geopolitical interests, particularly in the face of the US-India growing strategic partnership.

However, India remains more cautious about the prospect of a complete thaw in relations. For New Delhi, the lingering issues on the border remain a central concern, and there is skepticism over China’s long-term intentions. While Prime Minister Modi has signaled a willingness to engage diplomatically, India is unlikely to rush into any agreements that might jeopardize its security interests. De-escalation on the border remains a key priority for India, as it seeks a mutual understanding on troop disengagement and the eventual restoration of peace along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

For India, the path forward requires careful balancing. While economic engagement with China is important—given China’s role as a major trade partner—the border conflict cannot be sidelined. India’s leaders have repeatedly stressed that the normalization of ties hinges on resolving the security issues that led to the current standoff. The recent resumption of military talks at various levels between the two sides is a positive step, but India’s cautious stance is likely to persist as long as it remains uncertain whether China is truly committed to de-escalation.

Both sides are aware that the broader geopolitical landscape also affects their relationship. With increasing competition between China and the United States, India is weighing its position as a key player in the Indo-Pacific. India is strengthening its security ties with the US and other Quad countries, which Beijing views with concern. Nonetheless, India has been careful to avoid being drawn too deeply into the US-China rivalry, emphasizing the need for independent strategic autonomy.

As both countries work to repair their ties, the upcoming months will likely see a continuation of diplomatic exchanges, with an emphasis on stability and confidence-building measures. However, for India, any real progress will depend on tangible de-escalation on the border and a clear commitment from China to avoid further military provocations.

In conclusion, while both China and India are taking steps toward a repair of relations, the road ahead is fraught with challenges. Beijing’s desire for a quick reset is not matched by India’s cautious approach, which places security concerns at the forefront. The coming months will be critical in determining whether the thawing of relations will lead to a lasting peace, or whether lingering mistrust will continue to undermine the potential for cooperation between these two Asian giants.

Trust Deficit: The Key Obstacle in China-India Relations

During a recent conversation with The Indian Express in Beijing, a senior Chinese government official made a pointed remark: “If you and I don’t have trust, then the countries cannot have trust.” This statement underlines one of the most pressing challenges in the bilateral relationship between India and China— the deep trust deficit that has plagued ties, particularly over the last four-and-a-half years since the border standoff in Ladakh.

The official’s words reflect a growing recognition in Beijing of the importance of rebuilding trust, not just at the diplomatic level but between the two countries’ leaders and people. The 2020 Galwan Valley clashes and subsequent military confrontations along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) significantly damaged the relationship, leaving a legacy of distrust and skepticism on both sides. For China, which views India as both a regional competitor and a key player in global geopolitics, the erosion of trust has been a setback in its strategic calculations. Similarly, India has had to adjust its policies to account for a more cautious approach toward China, given the unpredictable nature of their military encounters and Beijing’s increasingly assertive posture in Asia.

Over the past several years, as tensions on the border escalated, it became clear that diplomatic dialogue alone was insufficient to resolve the underlying issues. The trust deficit manifested itself in a series of failed negotiations and military disengagements that were perceived by both sides as incomplete or lacking in genuine commitment. Despite numerous rounds of talks between military commanders and diplomats, the situation on the ground remained volatile, with both sides accusing each other of provocative actions. The trust between the two countries, which had been fragile to begin with, began to unravel under the weight of these unresolved disputes.

For China, the trust deficit is a reflection of India’s growing alignment with the United States and other Indo-Pacific powers, a shift Beijing views with increasing concern. The partnership between India and the US, particularly under the framework of the Quad, has been seen by China as a strategic challenge. Additionally, India’s reservations about China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its growing military presence in the Indo-Pacific further exacerbated tensions. From Beijing’s perspective, regaining trust with India means addressing these strategic concerns and fostering a sense of reassurance that both countries can coexist peacefully despite their differences.

For India, the trust deficit is even more acute. The memories of the Galwan clashes are still fresh in the minds of Indian leaders and the public. The perception of China as an expansionist power, willing to use force to achieve its territorial goals, has shaped India’s approach to its neighbor. In the years since the border conflict, India has taken steps to fortify its defenses along the LAC, modernize its military capabilities, and deepen ties with other democratic powers, particularly the US and Japan. While India has been open to dialogue, it remains cautious about any rapprochement that could undermine its security interests or send the wrong message about China’s intentions.

The Modi-Xi meeting last month, however, marked an effort to bridge this gap. Both sides acknowledged the importance of communication and dialogue, yet the underlying issues—chief among them the border dispute—remain unresolved. While China may see this meeting as an opportunity to signal a reset in the relationship, India is taking a more measured approach, insisting that de-escalation on the border must be a prerequisite for any meaningful rapprochement.

The challenge for both nations now is to rebuild the trust that has been eroded over years of conflict and miscommunication. The senior Chinese official’s comments reflect an understanding of this fundamental issue, but whether these words will translate into concrete actions on the ground remains to be seen. For India, trust can only be restored through actions that demonstrate China’s commitment to peaceful coexistence and respect for territorial boundaries.

As both countries continue to seek a path toward de-escalation, the road to rebuilding trust will require more than just high-level meetings. It will demand transparency, consistency, and a mutual understanding that the stability of their relationship is in both of their national interests. Only time will tell whether the trust deficit can be fully addressed, or if lingering doubts will continue to define China-India ties for years to come.

China-India: Overcoming the Trust Deficit in a Fractured Relationship

The senior Chinese official’s statement, “If you and I don’t have trust, then the countries cannot have trust,” encapsulates a fundamental issue that has long plagued China-India relations: the pervasive trust deficit. This deficit, which has only deepened during the past four-and-a-half years since the Ladakh border standoff, remains a major obstacle to improving bilateral ties. The official’s candid acknowledgment of this issue reflects the growing realization in Beijing that without mutual trust between leaders and governments, the broader relationship cannot thrive.

The Ladakh standoff, particularly the 2020 Galwan Valley clash, marked the most serious flare-up in Sino-Indian relations in decades. The violent confrontation, which led to the deaths of soldiers from both countries, shattered any lingering hopes of peaceful coexistence in the disputed border areas. Since then, the trust between China and India has been in sharp decline, and diplomatic efforts to resolve tensions have been characterized by an uneasy standoff of their own. Both sides have engaged in high-level talks and military disengagement negotiations, but a lasting resolution has remained elusive, with each side accusing the other of violating agreements or failing to implement them in good faith.

For China, the priority has been to rebuild relations and present a narrative of cooperation. The Chinese leadership is eager to avoid a permanent breakdown in ties with India, given the strategic significance of their relationship. China’s economic ambitions in South Asia, its interest in maintaining regional stability, and its desire to counterbalance the influence of the United States in the Indo-Pacific all depend on the ability to manage its relationship with India. A stable and peaceful border with India, which both nations share, is critical for Beijing’s broader geopolitical goals, including its Belt and Road Initiative and its efforts to solidify regional leadership.

However, despite Beijing’s overtures for dialogue, India remains cautious, with the trust deficit continuing to loom large in its dealings with China. New Delhi’s approach has been defined by a deep reluctance to move forward without tangible assurances from Beijing, particularly on the issue of border security. For India, the memory of Galwan is not easily forgotten. The clash, combined with subsequent aggressive posturing by China along the LAC, has made many in India skeptical of China’s long-term intentions. India has not only strengthened its military defenses along the border but has also sought to diversify its alliances, particularly through its growing strategic ties with the United States, Japan, and Australia in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad).

For India to even consider a diplomatic reset with China, de-escalation and de-militarization along the LAC must be the first and foremost steps. Modi’s cautious approach to the recent Xi-Modi summit reflects this guarded stance. While India is open to dialogue, any optimism about a lasting thaw will be tempered by concerns over China’s military presence and territorial ambitions in the region. In this context, India’s approach is not just about recalibrating its relationship with China—it is also about securing its sovereignty and ensuring that China’s actions align with its diplomatic rhetoric.

From Beijing’s perspective, the trust deficit is doubly significant. The border issue is not just a territorial dispute—it is a reflection of the broader strategic competition between the two nations. While China has made moves to stabilize the situation through high-level meetings and diplomatic engagement, the fundamental issue remains: India’s wariness of China’s increasing regional assertiveness, both militarily and economically. Even with recent discussions about restoring normalcy, China’s growing presence in the Indo-Pacific, its aggressive stance on issues like Taiwan, and its Belt and Road investments in neighboring countries raise alarms in New Delhi.

Another factor that deepens the trust deficit is the lack of transparency and the perception that Beijing often engages in actions that seem contrary to the spirit of previous agreements. The frequent border incursions, combined with a lack of reliable communication on troop movements or plans, further alienate Indian officials and the general public. For India to consider any kind of rapprochement, there must be clear and consistent actions from China that demonstrate respect for India’s territorial integrity and a genuine commitment to peaceful coexistence.

The challenges are evident, but so too are the opportunities for both countries. Despite the lingering trust deficit, both China and India recognize that their futures are intertwined. As the two most populous nations in the world and significant economic players, their relationship has far-reaching implications not just for Asia but for the global order. Both countries face shared challenges—climate change, economic development, and regional stability—that could offer avenues for cooperation if the trust deficit can be sufficiently reduced.

One potential path forward could involve incremental confidence-building measures, particularly on the border. Regular and transparent communication, joint military exercises focused on de-escalation, and agreements on troop movements and border infrastructure could help rebuild confidence. Additionally, economic collaboration, particularly in areas such as trade, technology, and climate change, could provide a practical foundation for cooperation. However, these steps must be supported by a broader political will to overcome historical grievances and align on key regional and global issues.

Ultimately, the road to rebuilding trust will be long and fraught with challenges. While Beijing is eager to present the Xi-Modi summit as a sign of a new beginning, India remains cautious and will likely demand concrete actions from China before fully committing to a long-term diplomatic reset. Whether the trust deficit can be overcome will depend on whether both sides can move beyond their differences, prioritize mutual interests, and, most importantly, prove to each other that their words can be backed by meaningful actions. As it stands, the future of China-India relations hinges not only on their ability to resolve the border dispute but also on their capacity to rebuild the trust that has been severely damaged over the years.

Courtesy: Drishti IAS : English

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  260. Jump up to:a b c d “National Symbols | National Portal of India”India.gov.in. Archived from the original on 4 February 2017. Retrieved 1 March 2017. The National Anthem of India Jana Gana Mana, composed originally in Bengali by Rabindranath Tagore, was adopted in its Hindi version by the Constituent Assembly as the National Anthem of India on 24 January 1950.
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  280. Jump up to:a b c Petraglia & Allchin 2007, p. 10, “Y-Chromosome and Mt-DNA data support the colonization of South Asia by modern humans originating in Africa. … Coalescence dates for most non-European populations average to between 73 and 55 ka.”
  281. Jump up to:a b Dyson 2018, p. 1, “Modern human beings—Homo sapiens—originated in Africa. Then, intermittently, sometime between 60,000 and 80,000 years ago, tiny groups of them began to enter the north-west of the Indian subcontinent. It seems likely that initially they came by way of the coast. … it is virtually certain that there were Homo sapiens in the subcontinent 55,000 years ago, even though the earliest fossils that have been found of them date to only about 30,000 years before the present.”
  282. Jump up to:a b Fisher 2018, p. 23, “Scholars estimate that the first successful expansion of the Homo sapiens range beyond Africa and across the Arabian Peninsula occurred from as early as 80,000 years ago to as late as 40,000 years ago, although there may have been prior unsuccessful emigrations. Some of their descendants extended the human range ever further in each generation, spreading into each habitable land they encountered. One human channel was along the warm and productive coastal lands of the Persian Gulf and northern Indian Ocean. Eventually, various bands entered India between 75,000 years ago and 35,000 years ago.”
  283. ^ Dyson 2018, p. 28
  284. ^ (a) Dyson 2018, pp. 4–5;
    (b) Fisher 2018, p. 33
  285. ^ Lowe 2015, pp. 1–2, “It consists of 1,028 hymns (sūktas), highly crafted poetic compositions originally intended for recital during rituals and for the invocation of and communication with the Indo-Aryan gods. Modern scholarly opinion largely agrees that these hymns were composed between around 1500 BCE and 1200 BCE, during the eastward migration of the Indo-Aryan tribes from the mountains of what is today northern Afghanistan across the Punjab into north India.”
  286. ^ (a) Witzel 2003, pp. 68–70, “It is known from internal evidence that the Vedic texts were orally composed in northern India, at first in the Greater Punjab and later on also in more eastern areas, including northern Bihar, between ca. 1500 BCE and ca. 500–400 BCE. The oldest text, the Rgveda, must have been more or less contemporary with the Mitanni texts of northern Syria/Iraq (1450–1350 BCE); […] The Vedic texts were orally composed and transmitted, without the use of script, in an unbroken line of transmission from teacher to student that was formalised early on. This ensured an impeccable textual transmission superior to the classical texts of other cultures; it is in fact something of a tape-recording of ca. 1500–500 BCE. Not just the actual words, but even the long-lost musical (tonal) accent (as in old Greek or in Japanese) has been preserved up to the present. […] The RV text was composed before the introduction and massive use of iron, that is before ca. 1200–1000 BCE.”;
    (b) Doniger 2014, pp. xviii, 10, “A Chronology of Hinduism: ca. 1500–1000 BCE Rig Veda; ca. 1200–900 BCE Yajur Veda, Sama Veda and Atharva Veda […] Hindu texts began with the Rig Veda (‘Knowledge of Verses’), composed in northwest India around 1500 BCE; the first of the three Vedas, it is the earliest extant text composed in Sanskrit, the language of ancient India.”;
    (c) Ludden 2014, p. 19, “In Punjab, a dry region with grasslands watered by five rivers (hence ‘panch’ and ‘ab’) draining the western Himalayas, one prehistoric culture left no material remains, but some of its ritual texts were preserved orally over the millennia. The culture is called Aryan, and evidence in its texts indicates that it spread slowly south-east, following the course of the Yamuna and Ganga Rivers. Its elite called itself Arya (pure) and distinguished themselves sharply from others. Aryans led kin groups organized as nomadic horse-herding tribes. Their ritual texts are called Vedas, composed in Sanskrit. Vedic Sanskrit is recorded only in hymns that were part of Vedic rituals to Aryan gods. To be Aryan apparently meant to belong to the elite among pastoral tribes. Texts that record Aryan culture are not precisely datable, but they seem to begin around 1200 BCE with four collections of Vedic hymns (Rg, Sama, Yajur, and Artharva).”;
    (d) Dyson 2018, pp. 14–15, “Although the collapse of the Indus valley civilization is no longer believed to have been due to an ‘Aryan invasion’ it is widely thought that, at roughly the same time, or perhaps a few centuries later, new Indo-Aryan-speaking people and influences began to enter the subcontinent from the north-west. Detailed evidence is lacking. Nevertheless, a predecessor of the language that would eventually be called Sanskrit was probably introduced into the north-west sometime between 3,900 and 3,000 years ago. This language was related to one then spoken in eastern Iran; and both of these languages belonged to the Indo-European language family. […] It seems likely that various small-scale migrations were involved in the gradual introduction of the predecessor language and associated cultural characteristics. However, there may not have been a tight relationship between movements of people on the one hand, and changes in language and culture on the other. Moreover, the process whereby a dynamic new force gradually arose—a people with a distinct ideology who eventually seem to have referred to themselves as ‘Arya’—was certainly two-way. That is, it involved a blending of new features which came from outside with other features—probably including some surviving Harappan influences—that were already present. Anyhow, it would be quite a few centuries before Sanskrit was written down. And the hymns and stories of the Arya people—especially the Vedas and the later Mahabharata and Ramayana epics—are poor guides as to historical events. Of course, the emerging Arya were to have a huge impact on the history of the subcontinent. Nevertheless, little is known about their early presence.”;
    (e) Robb 2011, pp. 46–, “The expansion of Aryan culture is supposed to have begun around 1500 BCE. It should not be thought that this Aryan emergence (though it implies some migration) necessarily meant either a sudden invasion of new peoples, or a complete break with earlier traditions. It comprises a set of cultural ideas and practices, upheld by a Sanskrit-speaking elite, or Aryans. The features of this society are recorded in the Vedas.”
  287. ^ (a) Jamison, Stephanie; Brereton, Joel (2020), The RigvedaOxford University Press, pp. 2, 4, ISBN 978-0-19-063339-4The RgVeda is one of the four Vedas, which together constitute the oldest texts in Sanskrit and the earliest evidence for what will become Hinduism. (p. 2) Although Vedic religion is very different in many regards from what is known as Classical Hinduism, the seeds are there. Gods like Visnu and Siva (under the name Rudra), who will become so dominant later, are already present in the Rgveda, though in roles both lesser than and different from those they will later play, and the principal Rgvedic gods like Indra remain in later Hinduism, though in diminished capacity (p. 4).;
    (b) Flood, Gavin (2020), “Introduction”, in Gavin Flood (ed.), The Oxford History of Hinduism: Hindu Practice: Hindu PracticeOxford University Press, pp. 4–, ISBN 978-0-19-105322-1I take the term ‘Hinduism to meaningfully denote a range and history of practice characterised by a number of features, particularly reference to Vedic textual and sacrificial origins, belonging to endogamous social units (jati/varna), participating in practices that involve making an offering to a deity and receiving a blessing (puja), and a first-level cultural polytheism (although many Hindus adhere to a second-level monotheism in which many gods are regarded as emanations or manifestations of the one, supreme being).;
    (c) Michaels, Axel (2017). Patrick Olivelle, Donald R. Davis (ed.). The Oxford History of Hinduism: Hindu Law: A New History of Dharmaśāstra. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 86–97. ISBN 978-0-19-100709-5Almost all traditional Hindu families observe until today at least three samskaras (initiation, marriage, and death ritual). Most other rituals have lost their popularity, are combined with other rites of passage, or are drastically shortened. Although samskaras vary from region to region, from class (varna) to class, and from caste to caste, their core elements remain the same owing to the common source, the Veda, and a common priestly tradition preserved by the Brahmin priests. (p 86)
    (d) Flood, Gavin D. (1996). An Introduction to HinduismCambridge University Press. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-521-43878-0It is this Sansrit, vedic, tradition which has maintained a continuity into modern times and which has provided the most important resource and inspiration for Hindu traditions and individuals. The Veda is the foundation for most later developments in what is known as Hinduism.
  288. ^ Dyson 2018, pp. 1625
  289. ^ Dyson 2018, p. 16
  290. ^ Fisher 2018, p. 59
  291. ^ (a) Dyson 2018, pp. 16–17;
    (b) Fisher 2018, p. 67;
    (c) Robb 2011, pp. 56–57;
    (d) Ludden 2014, pp. 29–30.
  292. ^ (a) Ludden 2014, pp. 28–29;
    (b) Glenn Van Brummelen (2014), “Arithmetic”, in Thomas F. Glick; Steven Livesey; Faith Wallis (eds.), Medieval Science, Technology, and Medicine: An EncyclopediaRoutledge, pp. 46–48, ISBN 978-1-135-45932-1
  293. ^ (a) Dyson 2018, p. 20;
    (b) Stein 2010, p. 90;
    (c) Ramusack, Barbara N. (1999), “Women in South Asia”, in Barbara N. Ramusack; Sharon L. Sievers (eds.), Women in Asia: Restoring Women to HistoryIndiana University Press, pp. 27–29, ISBN 0-253-21267-7
  294. Jump up to:a b Kulke & Rothermund 2004, p. 93.
  295. ^ Asher & Talbot 2006, p. 17
  296. ^ (a) Ludden 2014, p. 54;
    (b) Asher & Talbot 2006, pp. 78–79;
    (c) Fisher 2018, p. 76
  297. ^ (a) Ludden 2014, pp. 68–70;
    (b) Asher & Talbot 2006, pp. 19, 24
  298. ^ (a) Dyson 2018, p. 48;
    (b) Asher & Talbot 2006, p. 52
  299. ^ Asher & Talbot 2006, p. 74
  300. ^ Asher & Talbot 2006, p. 267
  301. ^ Asher & Talbot 2006, p. 152
  302. Jump up to:a b Fisher 2018, p. 106
  303. ^ (a) Asher & Talbot 2006, p. 289
    (b) Fisher 2018, p. 120
  304. ^ Taylor, Miles (2016), “The British royal family and the colonial empire from the Georgians to Prince George”, in Aldrish, Robert; McCreery, Cindy (eds.), Crowns and Colonies: European Monarchies and Overseas EmpiresManchester University Press, pp. 38–39, ISBN 978-1-5261-0088-7
  305. ^ Peers 2013, p. 76.
  306. ^ Embree, Ainslie Thomas; Hay, Stephen N.; Bary, William Theodore De (1988), “Nationalism Takes Root: The Moderates”Sources of Indian Tradition: Modern India and PakistanColumbia University Press, p. 85, ISBN 978-0-231-06414-9
  307. ^ Marshall, P. J. (2001), The Cambridge Illustrated History of the British Empire, Cambridge University Press, p. 179, ISBN 978-0-521-00254-7The first modern nationalist movement to arise in the non-European empire, and one that became an inspiration for many others, was the Indian Congress.
  308. ^ Chiriyankandath, James (2016), Parties and Political Change in South Asia, Routledge, p. 2, ISBN 978-1-317-58620-3South Asian parties include several of the oldest in the post-colonial world, foremost among them the 129-year-old Indian National Congress that led India to independence in 1947
  309. ^ Fisher 2018, pp. 173–174: “The partition of South Asia that produced India and West and East Pakistan resulted from years of bitter negotiations and recriminations … The departing British also decreed that the hundreds of princes, who ruled one-third of the subcontinent and a quarter of its population, became legally independent, their status to be settled later. Geographical location, personal and popular sentiment, and substantial pressure and incentives from the new governments led almost all princes eventually to merge their domains into either Pakistan or India. … Each new government asserted its exclusive sovereignty within its borders, realigning all territories, animals, plants, minerals, and all other natural and human-made resources as either Pakistani or Indian property, to be used for its national development… Simultaneously, the central civil and military services and judiciary split roughly along religious ‘communal’ lines, even as they divided movable government assets according to a negotiated formula: 22.7 percent for Pakistan and 77.3 percent for India.”
  310. ^ Chatterji, Joya; Washbrook, David (2013), “Introduction: Concepts and Questions”, in Chatterji, Joya; Washbrook, David (eds.), Routledge Handbook of the South Asian Diaspora, London and New York: Routledge, ISBN 978-0-415-48010-9Joya Chatterji describes how the partition of the British Indian empire into the new nation states of India and Pakistan produced new diaspora on a vast, and hitherto unprecedented, scale, but hints that the sheer magnitude of refugee movements in South Asia after 1947 must be understood in the context of pre-existing migratory flows within the partitioned regions (see also Chatterji 2013). She also demonstrates that the new national states of India and Pakistan were quickly drawn into trying to stem this migration. As they put into place laws designed to restrict the return of partition emigrants, this produced new dilemmas for both new nations in their treatment of ‘overseas Indians’; and many of them lost their right to return to their places of origin in the subcontinent, and also their claims to full citizenship in host countries.
  311. ^ Talbot, Ian; Singh, Gurharpal (2009), The Partition of India, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-85661-4archived from the original on 13 December 2016, retrieved 15 November 2015, When the British divided and quit India in August 1947, they not only partitioned the subcontinent with the emergence of the two nations of India and Pakistan but also the provinces of Punjab and Bengal. … Indeed for many the Indian subcontinent’s division in August 1947 is seen as a unique event which defies comparative historical and conceptual analysis
  312. ^ Khan, Yasmin (2017) [2007], The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan (2nd ed.), New Haven and London: Yale University Press, p. 1, ISBN 978-0-300-23032-1South Asians learned that the British Indian empire would be partitioned on 3 June 1947. They heard about it on the radio, from relations and friends, by reading newspapers and, later, through government pamphlets. Among a population of almost four hundred million, where the vast majority live in the countryside, ploughing the land as landless peasants or sharecroppers, it is hardly surprising that many thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands, did not hear the news for many weeks afterwards. For some, the butchery and forced relocation of the summer months of 1947 may have been the first that they knew about the creation of the two new states rising from the fragmentary and terminally weakened British empire in India
  313. ^ (a) Copland 2001, pp. 71–78;
    (b) Metcalf & Metcalf 2006, p. 222.
  314. ^ Metcalf & Metcalf 2012, p. 327: “Even though much remains to be done, especially in regard to eradicating poverty and securing effective structures of governance, India’s achievements since independence in sustaining freedom and democracy have been singular among the world’s new nations.”
  315. ^ Stein, Burton (2012), Arnold, David (ed.), A History of India, The Blackwell History of the World Series (2 ed.), Wiley-Blackwell, One of these is the idea of India as ‘the world’s largest democracy’, but a democracy forged less by the creation of representative institutions and expanding electorate under British rule than by the endeavours of India’s founding fathers – Gandhi, Nehru, Patel and Ambedkar – and the labours of the Constituent Assembly between 1946 and 1949, embodied in the Indian constitution of 1950. This democratic order, reinforced by the regular holding of nationwide elections and polling for the state assemblies, has, it can be argued, consistently underpinned a fundamentally democratic state structure – despite the anomaly of the Emergency and the apparent durability of the Gandhi-Nehru dynasty.
  316. ^ Fisher 2018, pp. 184–185: “Since 1947, India’s internal disputes over its national identity, while periodically bitter and occasionally punctuated by violence, have been largely managed with remarkable and sustained commitment to national unity and democracy.”
  317. ^ Dyson 2018, pp. 219, 262
  318. ^ Biswas, Soutik (1 May 2023). “Most populous nation: Should India rejoice or panic?”BBC NewsBritish Broadcasting Corporation. Retrieved 3 May 2023.
  319. ^ World Population Prospects 2022: Summary of Results (PDF). New York: United Nations Department of Social and Economic Affairs. 2022. pp. i.
  320. ^ Fisher 2018, p. 8
  321. ^ Metcalf & Metcalf 2012, pp. 265–266
  322. ^ Metcalf & Metcalf 2012, p. 266
  323. ^ Dyson 2018, p. 216
  324. ^ (a) “Kashmir, region Indian subcontinent”Encyclopaedia Britannicaarchived from the original on 13 August 2019, retrieved 15 August 2019, Kashmir, region of the northwestern Indian subcontinent … has been the subject of dispute between India and Pakistan since the partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947.;
    (b) Pletcher, Kenneth, “Aksai Chin, Plateau Region, Asia”Encyclopaedia Britannicaarchived from the original on 2 April 2019, retrieved 16 August 2019, Aksai Chin, Chinese (Pinyin) Aksayqin, portion of the Kashmir region, … constitutes nearly all the territory of the Chinese-administered sector of Kashmir that is claimed by India;
    (c) Bosworth, C. E (2006). “Kashmir”Encyclopedia Americana: Jefferson to LatinScholastic Library Publishing. p. 328. ISBN 978-0-7172-0139-6KASHMIR, kash’mer, the northernmost region of the Indian subcontinent, administered partly by India, partly by Pakistan, and partly by China. The region has been the subject of a bitter dispute between India and Pakistan since they became independent in 1947
  325. ^ Narayan, Jitendra; John, Denny; Ramadas, Nirupama (2018). “Malnutrition in India: status and government initiatives”. Journal of Public Health Policy40 (1): 126–141. doi:10.1057/s41271-018-0149-5ISSN 0197-5897PMID 30353132S2CID 53032234.
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  327. Jump up to:a b IndiaInternational Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), 2019, archived from the original on 1 November 2020, retrieved 21 May 2019
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  332. Jump up to:a b Kuiper 2010, p. 86.
  333. Jump up to:a b c Clémentin-Ojha 2014.
  334. ^ The Constitution of India (PDF), Ministry of Law and Justice, 1 December 2007, archived from the original (PDF) on 9 September 2014, retrieved 3 March 2012, Article 1(1): India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States.
  335. ^ Jha, Dwijendra Narayan (2014), Rethinking Hindu IdentityRoutledge, p. 11, ISBN 978-1-317-49034-0
  336. ^ Singh 2017, p. 253.
  337. Jump up to:a b Barrow 2003.
  338. ^ Paturi, Joseph; Patterson, Roger (2016). “Hinduism (with Hare Krishna)”. In Hodge, Bodie; Patterson, Roger (eds.). World Religions & Cults Volume 2: Moralistic, Mythical and Mysticism Religions. United States: New Leaf Publishing Group. pp. 59–60. ISBN 978-0-89051-922-6The actual term Hindu first occurs as a Persian geographical term for the people who lived beyond the Indus River. The term Hindu originated as a geographical term and did not refer to a religion. Later, Hindu was taken by European languages from the Arabic term al-Hind, which referred to the people who lived across the Indus River. This Arabic term was itself taken from the Persian term Hindū, which refers to all Indians. By the 13th century, Hindustan emerged as a popular alternative name for India, meaning the “land of Hindus.”
  339. ^ “Hindustan”Encyclopædia Britannica, retrieved 17 July 2011
  340. ^ Lowe, John J. (2017). Transitive Nouns and Adjectives: Evidence from Early Indo-AryanOxford University Press. p. 58. ISBN 978-0-19-879357-1The term ‘Epic Sanskrit’ refers to the language of the two great Sanskrit epics, the Mahābhārata and the Rāmāyaṇa. … It is likely, therefore, that the epic-like elements found in Vedic sources and the two epics that we have are not directly related, but that both drew on the same source, an oral tradition of storytelling that existed before, throughout, and after the Vedic period.
  341. Jump up to:a b Coningham & Young 2015, pp. 104–105.
  342. ^ Kulke & Rothermund 2004, pp. 21–23.
  343. Jump up to:a b Singh 2009, p. 181.
  344. ^ Possehl 2003, p. 2.
  345. Jump up to:a b c Singh 2009, p. 255.
  346. Jump up to:a b Singh 2009, pp. 186–187.
  347. ^ Witzel 2003, pp. 68–69.
  348. ^ Kulke & Rothermund 2004, pp. 41–43.
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  366. Jump up to:a b c Singh 2009, p. 545.
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  412. ^ Stein 2010, p. 245: An expansion of state functions in British and in princely India occurred as a result of the terrible famines of the later nineteenth century, … A reluctant regime decided that state resources had to be deployed and that anti-famine measures were best managed through technical experts.
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  460. Jump up to:a b c d Jha, Raghbendra (2018), Facets of India’s Economy and Her Society Volume II: Current State and Future ProspectsSpringer, p. 198, ISBN 978-1-349-95342-4
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  464. ^ Goyal, Anupam (2006), The WTO and International Environmental Law: Towards ConciliationOxford University Press, p. 295, ISBN 978-0-19-567710-2 Quote: “The Indian government successfully argued that the medicinal neem tree is part of traditional Indian knowledge. (page 295)”
  465. ^ Hughes, Julie E. (2013), Animal KingdomsHarvard University Press, p. 106, ISBN 978-0-674-07480-4At same time, the leafy pipal trees and comparative abundance that marked the Mewari landscape fostered refinements unattainable in other lands.
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  467. ^ Paul Gwynne (2011), World Religions in Practice: A Comparative IntroductionJohn Wiley & Sons, p. 358, ISBN 978-1-4443-6005-9The tree under which Sakyamuni became the Buddha is a peepal tree (Ficus religiosa).
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  528. ^ (a) Guyot-Rechard, Berenice (2017), Shadow States: India, China and the Himalayas, 1910–1962, Cambridge University Press, p. 235, ISBN 978-1-107-17679-9By invading NEFA, the PRC did not just aim to force a humiliated India to recognise its possession of the Aksai Chin. It also hoped to get, once and for all, the upper hand in their shadowing competition.
    (b) Chubb, Andrew (2021), “The Sino-Indian Border Crisis: Chinese Perceptions of Indian Nationalism”, in Golley, Jane; Jaivan, Linda; Strange, Sharon (eds.), Crisis, Australian National University Press, pp. 231–232, ISBN 978-1-76046-439-4The ensuing cycle of escalation culminated in the 1962 Sino-Indian border war in which Mao Zedong’s troops overran almost the entire state of Arunachal Pradesh in the eastern sector before unilaterally withdrawing, as if to underline the insult; most of the war’s several thousand casualties were Indian. The PLA’s decisive victories in the 1962 war not only humiliated the Indian Army, they also entrenched a status quo in Ladakh that was highly unfavourable for India, in which China controls almost all of the disputed territory. A nationalistic press and commentariat have kept 1962 vivid in India’s popular consciousness.
    (c) Lintner, Bertil (2018), China’s India War: Collision Course on the Roof of the World, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-909163-8Lin Biao was put in charge of the operation and that alliance between Mao and his loyal de facto chief of the PLA made the attack on India possible. With China’s ultimate victory in the war, Mao’s ultra-leftist line had won in China; whatever critical voices that were left in the Party after all the purges fell silent.
    (d) Medcalf, Rory (2020), Indo-Pacific Empire: China, America and the contest for the world’s pivotal, Manchester University Press, ISBN 978-1-5261-5077-6From an Indian perspective, the China-India war of 1962 was a shocking betrayal of the principles of co-operation and coexistence: a surprise attack that humiliated India and personally broke Nehru.
    (e) Ganguly, Sumit (1997), The Crisis in Kashmir: Portents of War, Hope of Peace, Woodrow Wilson Center Press and Cambridge University Press, p. 44, ISBN 978-0-521-65566-8In October 1962 India suffered the most humiliating military debacle in its post-independence history, at the hands of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA). The outcome of this conflict had far-reaching consequences for Indian foreign and defence policies. The harsh defeat that the Chinese PLA had inflicted on the Indian Army called into question some of the most deeply held precepts of Nehru’s foreign and defence policies.
    (f) Raghavan, Srinath (2019), “A Missed Opportunity? The Nehru-Zhou Enlai Summit of 1960”, in Bhagavan, Manu (ed.), India and the Cold War, University of North Carolina Press, p. 121, ISBN 978-1-4696-5117-0The ‘forward policy’ adopted by India to prevent the Chinese from occupying territory claimed by them was undertaken in the mistaken belief that Beijing would be cautious in dealing with India owing to Moscow’s stance on the dispute and its growing proximity to India. These misjudgments would eventually culminate in India’s humiliating defeat in the war of October–November 1962.
  529. ^ Brahma Chellaney (2006). Asian Juggernaut: The Rise of China, India, and JapanHarperCollins. p. 195. ISBN 978-8172236502Indeed, Beijing’s acknowledgement of Indian control over Sikkim seems limited to the purpose of facilitating trade through the vertiginous Nathu-la Pass, the scene of bloody artillery duels in September 1967 when Indian troops beat back attacking Chinese forces.
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  731. ^ Tamang, J. P.; Fleet, G. H. (2009), “Yeasts Diversity in Fermented Foods and Beverages”, in Satyanarayana, T.; Kunze, G. (eds.), Yeast Biotechnology: Diversity and Applications, Springer, p. 180, ISBN 978-1-4020-8292-4Idli is an acid-leavened and steamed cake made by bacterial fermentation of a thick batter made from coarsely ground rice and dehulled black gram. Idli cakes are soft, moist and spongy, have desirable sour flavour, and is eaten as breakfast in South India. Dosa batter is very similar to idli batter, except that both the rice and black gram are finely grounded. The batter is thinner than that of idli and is fried as a thin, crisp pancake and eaten directly in South India.
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